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UPOX THE 



NEGOTIATIONS BETWEEN SPAIN 



AJTD THE 



UJSriTED STATES OF AMERICA. 



WHICH LED 



TO THE TREATY OF 1819. 



rPOTf THE 

NEGOTIATIONS BETWEEN SPAIN 

AND 

THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, 

WHICH 

LED TO THE TREATY OF 1819. 

WITH 

A STATISTICAL NOTICE OF THAT COUNTRY. 

ACCOMPANIED WITH AN APPEWDIX, 

CONTAINING IMPORTANT DOCUMENTS FOR THE BETTER 
ILLUSTRATION OF THE SUBJECT. 

BF D. LUIS BE OJSTIS, 

Late Minister Plenipotentiary near that Republick, and present Embassadw 
from H. M. at the Qourt of Naples. 



MADRID, 1820. 
From the Press of D. M. De Burgos. 



Translated from the Spanish, with JS*otes, 
BY TOBIAS WATKINS. 



BALTIMORE: 

PUBLISHED BY FIELDING LUCAS, June. 

1821. 




DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA, To ^^it: 

Be it remembered. That on this twenty first day of July, in the year of our Lord one 
thousand eight hundred and twenty one, and of the independence of the United States of 
America the forty sixth. lohias Watklns, of the said District, has deposited in this office the 
title of a book, the right whereof he claims as proprietor in the v\ ords following, to wit. " Me- 
" moir upon the Negotiations between Spain and the United States of America, which led to 
" the Treaty of 1819. With a Statistical notice of that country. Accompanitd with an Ap- 
" pendix, containing important Documents for the better illustration of the subject. By D. 
"Luis DeOois, late Minister Plenipotentiary near that llepublick, and present Embassador 
" from H. M, at the Court of Naples. Madrid, 1820 From <he press of D M De Burgos. 
" Translated from the Spanish, with Notes, by Tobias Watkius." In conformity to the act of the 
Congress o( the United States, entitled •' An act for the encouragement of leamii;g,by seem- 
ing the copies of maps,charts, and books, to tlie authors and proprittors of such copies, dur- 
ing the times therein mentioned:*' AntI, also, to the act. entitled " An act supplementary to 
an act, entitled ■ Aji act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, 
charts, and books, to the au'hors and proprietors of such copies, dui-ing the times therein men- 
tioned,' and extending the benefits thereof to the arts of designing, engraving, and etching 
historical and other prints." 

In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand, and affixed the publick 
[L. S ] seal of my office, the day and year aforesaid. 

EDM. I. LEE, Clk. of the Dist. Court for tlie Dist. of Col. 



PREFACE BY THE TRANSLATOR. 



The Memoir of Don Luis De Oiiis, on the subject 
of his negotiation with the government of tlie United 
States, was put into my hands, by a much esteemed 
friend, who had received it from the author himself, on 
the 27th of June; and before I liad read a line of its con- 
tents, it was suggested to me, that ?l Iranslat ion would be 
acceptable to the American publick, among whom some 
partial notices of it had already excited considerable in- 
terest and curiosity. Having consented to undertake 
the task, it became important both to the Printer and 
myself, tliat the utmost expedition should be used in its 
execution, lest we might he anticipated in the book mar- 
ket, and thus lose the fruits of our respective labours. 
Thus excited to activity by the spur of interest, a race 
forthwith commenced between us, which after an obsti- 
nate contest of nineteen days, was decided to be, what 
the jockies call a dead heat; for though, to continue the 
raetaphor, I came out first, the Printer alleges, in bar to 
my claim of victory, that I had a form, the start of him; 
and further, that it was morally impossible he could 
reach the goal before me. 

It will hardly be expected, that a translation so 
hurried, can be free from errourst there must necessa- 
rily be many, both of style and typography. But I am 
aware, that precipitation can never be a sufficient excuse 
to the publick, for the faults of an author, or translator, 
who comes voluntarily before them: they would have a 



6 



right to answer his prayer for clemency on that plea, 
that so far as they were concerned, he was the arbiter 
of his own time, and might have used the requisite deli- 
beration. This would be critically just: nor do I men- 
tion the rapidity of my translation, with a view to apo- 
logizCf but to account, for the errours that may be found 
in it. 

The reader of the following pages, will soon find 
reason to pronounce them a most extraordinary produc- 
tion; he will perceive that they contain a singular mix- 
ture of the veriest slander, and the most extravagant 
eulogy, of our country and countrymen, that was ever 
heaped upon them by foe or friend. The double object 
which the author had in view, led him, of necessity, into 
many contradictions and absurdities. He had been ac- 
cused of sullying the dignity of his royal master, and 
wounding the interests of his nation, by a disgraceful 
treaty; and this charge naturally involved the suspicion, 
that he had been influenced in his negotiation either by 
fear or partiality for the Americans. In combatting this 
twofold accusation, it was important, that he should show 
the political and physical strength of the United States, 
in its utmost magnitude: that he should demonstrate the 
impossibility of defending the Spanish provinces in Ame- 
rica from the ambitious grasp of this colossal power: 
and that he should draw such a picture of the people, as 
might lead to the inference that contempt, rather than 
admiration or dread, supplied him with the colouring. 
It will be seen, from the ingenuity Vith which he has 
managed his arguments, that Don Luis de Onis was a 
"wily politician, a master of the diplomatic art; and how- 
ever illusive some of his reasoning may appear, there 



are strong grounds to believe, that the Spanish Cortfes 
were influenced by it to consent to the ratification of his 
treaty, and that his main object was thus accomplished. 

After this translation had been announced as in the 
Press, but before I had advanced many pages in the 
work, one of those publick gazettes which, in the lan- 
guage of the author, '* inundate the country," was put 
into my hands, in which the editor, to my amazement, 
and, I may add, amusement, expressed strong fears that 
the translation would be mutiiated or garbled. Without 
knowing who was the translator, or what motives he 
could have for want of fidelity to his author, the editor 
fired a random shot, in hopes it might strike some mem- 
ber of the government. He had either seen the original, 
or he had heard particular parts of it read, in which 
Don Onis had been so severe upon certain great men, 
that pains had been taken to suppress the circulation of 
the few copies that had found their way into the coun- 
try; but the editor was quite sure, he remembered 
enough of the book to detect any imposition, which the 
translator might attempt to practise upon the publick, 
with a view to screen the said great men from exposure! 

Now as I would not have it suspected, even by a 
solitary individual, either tliat our government can hav<? 
any thing to fear from the fullest exposure of their con- 
duct and motives, or that I \^ould descend to be instru- 
mental in shielding them from censure, if they deserved 
it, I tlii!»k it proper here to assure the reader, tliat I have 
not only given a faithful exhibition of the author's sen-^ 
timents, but that I have translated every line of the Me- 
moir, so literally, as often to sacrifice elegance and idio- 
jnatick propriety, rather than risk by paraphrase to 



8 



change the meaning of a passage. Hurried as I was, I 
found it impossible to refrain from making an occasional 
note, to correct some of the Don's misrepresentations: 
if my leisure had corresponded with my inclination, 
these notes would have been more copious and full, par- 
ticularly on the subject of his unjust abuse of the Judges 
and Juries of Baltimore; but I console myself with the 
knowledge, that Baltimore will not want for competent 
defenders, among the readers of Don Luis de Onis's 
MenM)ir. 

The Jppendix to the original, consists of the Pre- 
liminary and Secret Treaty between the French Repub- 
lick, and his Catholick Majesty, concluded on the 1st 
October, 1800 — the Convention of 1802, between his 
Catholick Majesty and tlie United States — the treaty 
of Washington, 22d February, 1819, and three Me- 
moirs under the signature of Verus, The Author's cor- 
respondence with the American government, intended 
to form a part of the Appendix, was announced as in 
the press at Madrid, when this volume was published. 

It has been thought unnecessary to give with this 
translation, any but the first of these documents, which 
has not before been published in this country: all the rest 
have been already before the American publick, 

Washington, 18th July, 182L 



PREFACE. 



THE happy era of our political restoration having 
at length arrived, when the monarch feels it his duty 
to unite with his people in promoting the well-being and 
prosperity of the state, I have believed, that the treaty, 
concluded on the 22d February of the last year, between 
his majesty and the United States of America, but not 
yet ratified in consequence of the occurrence of some 
subsequent difficulties, could not hut interest, in the 
most lively manner, the Nation, and the worthy depu- 
ties whom they have elected to represent them. But 
as, in order to form a correct and impartial judgment of 
this treaty, which I now publish, it is necessary to pos- 
sess a previous knowledge of the incidents which gave 
occasion to the negotiations, I have presented titem with 
all the perspicuity of which their nature is susceptible; 
I have then entered into an examination of the situation 
of Spain, at the period when the Central Junta confided 
to me, in the name of the king, the important charge 
of minister plenipotentiary near the United States, and 
of tlie state of that country at my depai'ture from it. 
And for the better illustration of the subject, I have more- 
over inserted in an Appendix, the preliminary and secret 
treaty of the 1st October, 1800, between the French 
Republic and his Catholic Majesty, the king of Spain, 
in relation to the aggrandizement of his royal highness, 
the Infant Duke of Parma in Italy, and tlie recession of 
Louisiana: the convention agreed upon in 1802, between 
his Catholic Majesty and the United States, upon the 
indemnification for losses, damages, and injuries sustain- 
ed during the last war, in consequence of excesses com- 
mitted by the individuals of both nations, in violation 
of the law of nations and the existing treaty: the treaty 
above mentioned, concluded on the 22d February, 1819; 



10 



and the three memoirs, wliicli 1 published in the United 
States, under the signature of VeruSi marked with the 
Nos. I, II, and III, to refute the opinions of that go- 
vernment upon the points in question, and to oppose its 
attacks against our rights and possessions; and lastly, 
the correspondence which I held with that government, 
during these negotiations. 

The sketch which I have given of the population, 
laws, industry, commerce, sea and land forces, and poli- 
tical system of the United States, while it may serve to 
explain the conduct of the representatives of the nation 
near the government of that Republic, should impressions, 
unfavorable to their reputation, have at any time exist- 
ed, will, in some measure, contribute to the information 
of the public. 

The Cortes have it in their power to carry their 
scrutiny further, by an examination of the secret in- 
structions to be found in the Office of the Secretary of 
State, which I am not at liberty to publish, and, after see- 
ing them, to decide, whether the negotiations have been 
constantly in accordance with the instructions given by 
the government, or whether advantage has been taken, 
as occasions arose, to extend them to subjects which, not 
having been foreseen by the government, had not enter- 
ed into their consideration. 

If this exposition shall be found to communicate 
•all the light which a subject of so much importance de- 
mands, the decision of the Nation and the King cannot 
but be attended with the happiest consequences; and 
with the proud feeling of having, in part, contributed to 
produce a result so desirable, I shall regard the increase 
of our national prosperity and glory, as my sweetest and 
most flattering reward. 



MEMOIR, &c. 



Having been appointed, towards the end of 
June, 1809, by the Supreme Central Junta^ which 
at that time governed the monarchy in the name of 
his majesty, Envoy extraordinary and minister Pie*- 
nipotentiary to the United States of America, I em- 
barked on board the Cornelia, of the royal fleet|^ 
and Arrived at the port ol New York, on the 4th 
October, of the same year, after a most unpleasant 
passage of forty four days. The situation of the 
peninsula at that period is but too well known. 
'I'he whole nation had been roused to enthusiasm 
against the French armies, and against the cruel 
and ignominious yoke, which the frenzied Napo" 
leon had attempted to impose upon them; and al- 
though oppressed and surrounded on all sides by 
an immense multitude of enemies' troops, she ap* 
peared boldly and firmly resolved to pursue the 
struggle to death or victory. All Europe saw with 
amazement her enterprize and her efforts; but all^ 
"with the exception of England, either groaned un- 
der the arrogant despotism of Xapoleon, or were 
tsubject to his overruling influence. The United 



12 



States of America^ without the necessity of engag- 
ing in the vicissitudes and affairs of Europe, and 
separated from it by an immense ocean, had it in 
their power to pursue a course of conduct, by which 
their real interests might be made to conform to the 
principles of justice, humanity and honour. This 
consideration, and the desire of securing peace and 
a good understanding between these States and 
Spain, and of settling, in good faith and sincerity, 
all the points in dispute between the two govern- 
ments, upon the subject of limits, and claims for 
damages and injuries already recognized, governed 
the Central Junta as to the object of my mission: 
which likewise embraced all that misrht be neces- 
sary to maintain and preserve the Spanish posses- 
sions in the New World united to the mother coun- 
try, and to watch over the adventurers and incen- 
diaries who might attempt to pass from the United 
States with a view to excite commotions in them. 

Anxious to employ all my zeal and all my la- 
bours in the discharge of so important an embassy, 
I repaired immediately to the City of Washington^ 
and solicited an audience, that 1 might present my 
credentials to the President of the Republic. Mr. 
Madison, at that time, held this dignity; and Ro- 
bert Smith, to whom afterwards succeeded James 
Monroe, was Secretary of State. It was promptly 
announced to me, that the American government, 
although it applauded the efforts of the Spaniards 



13 



in their glorious struggle^ and desired to maintain 
with them a good understanding and perfect har- 
mony, could not receive or recognize any minister 
from the provisional governments of Spain, because 
the crown was in dispute, and the nation divided 
into two adverse parties; and that until the termi- 
nation of that struggle, the United States would 
remain neutral, or as simple spectators, without 
taking any part in favour of one or the other. The 
Cabinet of Washington continued steadfast in the 
plan which it had prescribed to itself, and would 
neither agree to recognize me, nor enter into any 
official communication with me, until the prospect 
which had flattered its hopes was completely dissi- 
pated, by the dethronement and ruin of Napoleon, 
and the restoration of Ferdinand VII to the throne 
of his august predecessors; so that the diplomatic 
relations between the United States and Spain were 
interrupted, from the commencement of our glorious 
revolution to the end of December 1815; at which 
time, after having surmounted some trifling obsta- 
cles still thrown in the way, on the part of the 
American government, I was received and recog- 
nized by it, in virtue of new credentials, signed by 
his majesty. During the interval, I had been con- 
stantly occupied in watching over the interests of 
the monarchy in this portion of America, in dis- 
charging all the duties with which I had been en- 
trusted by the government, in aiding our colonies 



14 



as far as my situation rendered it possible, and in 
setting forth to the Anglo-American government 
every occurrence that violated the peace subsisting 
between the two nations. Upon the first move- 
ments of the revolution in Spain, the ambition of 
the Anglo-American people was excited, and in the 
enthusiasm of their presumptuous pride, and their 
gigantic projects, they believed that the time had 
arrived, when a considerable portion of Spanish 
America was about to fall into their power, and the 
rest, after being emancipated, to submit to their in- 
fluence. Their spies, emissaries and agents, pene- 
trated immediately into Mexico, Venezuela, and 
the kingdom of Santa Fe, and successively where- 
ver circumstances favoured their entrance. They 
ceased not every where to inflame the minds of the 
people against the Spanish government, and to 
promote the revolution, by exaggerating the account 
of the evils which they suff'ered under the domi' 
nion of Spain, and the happiness they might ac- 
quire, if they would profit by the easy opportunity 
Avhich the destinies offered them, of obtaining their 
emancipation, liberty and political independence. 
Increased associations of adventurers were imme- 
diately formed at various points of the Anglo-Ame- 
rican territory, to assist the malcontents of Spanish 
America; and from the moment that Napoleon des- 
paired of being able to corrupt and gain it, for him- 
self or his brother Joseph, and lent his ostentatious 



15 



power towards its emancipation, the French emist 
saries and adventurers conspired with the Anglo- 
Americans for the subversion of these rich and 
beautiful provinces. Those who were proscribed 
and banished from the society of other European 
nations, vagabonds without the means of subsis- 
tence, or who were stimulated by the hope of 
amassing large fortunes in the rebellious provinces 
of our America, hastened to reinforce the auxilia- 
ry bodies that were organized in the United States, 
to cooperate with the rebels. Associations for this 
enterprize, were formed in various cities of the 
Union; incendiary proclamations were published in 
the gazettes; and the people were exhorted by ve- 
hement speeches, and flattering and seductive pic- 
tures, to take a part in these armaments and expe- 
ditions. JiOuisiana, wrested from Spain by Napo- 
leon, in 1800, and sold by him to the United States 
in 1802, facilitated the entrance of these adventu- 
rers into the provinces of Mexico, and our littl^ 
navy left the seas free to them, and a defenceless 
coast on which they might land. They proved 
both the one and the other at various times, and the 
government of the United States seemed secretly 
to applaud their enterprizes; it received their en- 
voys and agents; encouraged them with flattering- 
promises and hopes; and by means of its emissa- 
ries, treated with the chiefs and commanders of the 
revolted provinces. The minister and the agents 



16 



of Napoleon in the United States^ equally receiv- 
ed with demonstrations of favour and of joy, the 
envoys of these chiefs^ and all Avho had undertaken 
to support their cause. By good fortune the expe- 
ditions against Mexico were attended with no fa- 
vorable issue; for nature has opposed the obstacles 
of a rough coast and unpeopled deserts, to the incur- 
sions of adventurers. The list of all the conspi- 
rators which T sent to the Archbishop, the Viceroy, 
before the revolution burst forth, and my seasona- 
ble advices to the governors of the internal pro- 
vinces, checked the evil, and contributed to dissi- 
pate it, before any fearful consequences could be 
produced. , 1 transmitted similar intelligence to 
other portions of our America, when expeditions 
were in preparation, or when bands of adventurers 
or emissaries were getting ready in the United 
States to go and join the rebels in the dominions of 
the King, or to foment among them the direful spi- 
rit of revolution; and I have often enjoyed the plea- 
sure of learning, that my intelligence had arrived 
in time, and had opportunely frustrated their de- 
signs. 

There are two periods, then, embraced in the 
time of my mission; the one during which I resid- 
ed in that country without being recognized as the 
minister of the King, and the other from the time 
of my being received in that character until my de- 
parture for Spain. 



17 



During the first period, which lasted about six 
years, although I received the most polite and re- 
spectful attentions, as well from the authorities of 
the Republic as from all its citizens, still I was ex- 
posed to vexations from the populace, and to angry 
resentments from the insurgent agents, who abound- 
ed in the country. As tlie privileges allowed by 
the laws of nations to all diplomatists, were not ex- 
tended to me, all 1 could do, was to utter com- 
plaints and remonstrances, as a private agent, to the 
government of the United States, against the in- 
fractions of the Existing treaties, and other excesses^ 
by which peace and the public faith were broken 
in the territory of the Union, and hostilities com- 
mitted against Spain; while she had never ceased^ 
even in the midst of her struggle against the in- 
vading armies of the tyrant of Europe, to maintain 
the most perfect harmony with the United States, 
and to give them signal proofs of her sincere and 
generous friendship. That my memorials might 
reach the Secretary of State, I availed myself, some- 
times, of the Attorney General, and at other times^ 
of the Spanish Consul resident near the federal 
city; and although he received them at all times 
with marks of politeness and civility, and in the 
name of the President renewed to me (but always 
verbally) assurances of the good wishes and affec- 
tionate sympathy of his government for Spain, yet 
all amounted to no more than idle compliments. 

a 



18 



since he avoided the subject upon which I treated, 
and nei^lected to answer me in writing. 

The American government, however it pro- 
fessed good faith in its conduct towards Spain dur- 
ing this period of time, changed its tone w hen it 
caused the district of Baton rouge, in West Flori- 
da, to be occupied in 1810, and the district of 
Mobile in 1812. The President declared in a pro- 
clamation, ^^ that as all these territories belonged to 
the United States as an integral part of Louisiana, 
he considered it expedient to occupy them, as both 
justice and policy demanded it, but that they 
should be held by him, as they had been by Spain, 
subject to amicable negotiation." 

To these publick acts of aggression and violence 
w ere afterwards added General Jackson's march 
through West Florida, with the troops under his 
command, and his entrance into Pensacola, to drive 
from that place tlie few English who had landed 
there; and the march of another body of American 
troops into East Florida, to assist a party of revol- 
ters who, from the United States themselves, were 
endeavourbig to excite disorder in that province. 1 
protested in the name of the king, against all and 
each of these excesses; but the cabinet of Washing- 
ton refused to reply to me, and iniiexibly adhered 
to their system of policy. 

During the second period of my embassy^ 
which falls in with the epoch of general peace iu 



19 



Europe^ and which takes its date from the end of 
December, 1815, I renewed, officially, all the com- 
plaints, remonstrances, and protests, which I had 
addressed to the American government, in the course 
of the first period, and presented many others, for 
the first time, upon subjects of a similar nature. Pi- 
racy against Spanish commerce, began from that 
moment to assume the most decided character in the 
United States; and an organized system of pillage 
and robbery was practised, with an effrontery which 
has no example in history. This system soon be- 
came general, as a branch of speculation, in the prin- 
ciptil ports of the Union, and the American mer- 
chants devoted themselves to it with the most eager 
zeal, while the government and judicial tribunals 
sliowed themselves insensible, or indifferent, as well 
to the complaints of individuals, as to those pre- 
sented by myself or the consuls; and Spanish pro- 
perty, brought in in the captured vessels themselves, 
or in others under the American flag, ceased not to 
enter the country, and to swell the mass of publick 
wealth. The interest of the government conspired 
with that of the people, to tolerate and protect this 
lucrative piracy; hence it is, that it has been con- 
stantly pursued, even to the present moment, and 
that even in the most atrocious and legally establish- 
ed cases, in which, to the plunder of Spanish car- 
goes, and of the clothes and property of the crews 
and passengers, was sometimes added the assassina- 



20 



tion of innocent victims, at other times the infliction 
of the most cruel torments, the monsters who com- 
mitted these crimes have escaped with impunity, and 
have triumphantly paraded through the ports and 
cities of the United States. 

From the first official representations which I 
made to the American government upon these ex- 
cessesj and the protection which the cruizers and 
vessels of our revolted colonists enjoyed in every 
port of the Union, it was answered " that the au- 
thorities and tribunals of the country watched over 
the observance of the laws, and that the President 
had adopted an impartial system of neutrality, with 
regard to the conflict between Spain and America; 
that the officers of the customs had orders to admit 
every species of vessel, without regard to the char- 
acter or circumstances of her flag, provided the es- 
tablished duties were paid, and the peace and good 
order of the country not disturbed; and that in ca- 
ses of trespass or violation of the law, recourse 
should be had to the magistrates and tribunals of 
justice, and not to the Executive.'^ The result of 
the suits brought by the Spanish consuls before the 
American judges and tribunals, was, in general, a 
confirmation of the robbery, and the triumphant im- 
punity of its authors. 

When 1 appealed to the government for the ex- 
ercise of its authority, and the observance of the 
eonstitutional laws of the United States, against tha 



enlistment of adventurers in the territory of the 
Union, and against tlieir equipment and military 
march from the very bosom of the States, for the 
purpose of invading Spanish America, I was an- 
swered in these, or similar terms: " That the go- 
vernors of every state, watched over the observance 
Qf the law; that there had not been sufficient proof 
in the cases about whi(?h I complained; and that the 
constitution of the country allowed a free entrance 
into it, to every individual of the human I'ace, with- 
out exception, provided they did not belong to a 
nation or power at war with the United States.'^ I 
gave an account of all this to his majesty, by trans- 
mitting to him copies of my notes to the American 
government, and of the answers which I received 
from it. In my correspondence, which should be 
in the Office of the Secretary of State, all these ca- 
ses will be found circumstantially explained and 
demonstrated. In that, also, may be seen my re- 
monstrances and protests against the occupancy of 
Amelia Island, and the invasion of East Florida, 
and against the capture of the fortresses of St. 
Mark's, the Barrancas, and Pensacola, by the 
American troops — outrages which, it will scarcely 
be believed by posterity, were committed during a 
time of peace, and at the very moment when nego- 
tiations were pending lor an amicable adjustment of 
all the differences between the two nations. The 
steadiness with which the American government has 



^% 



endeavoured to make it appear an act of justice to 
assail these provinces and fortresses, and to take 
posfsession of them by main force, representing at 
the same time, the conduct of the general who com- 
mitted these outrages as legal, will scarcely find a 
parallel in history. 

I should here speak of every thing that relates 
to the negotiation with tire government of the Unit- 
ed States, for the amicable arrangement and accom- 
modation of the dilferences between them and Spain, 
did it not form a part of my correspondence with 
ihe Department of State, which will be found in 
the sequel of this Memoir, together with the papers 
which I published in the years 1810, 12, and 17, 
under the signature of Verus, for the purpose of 
enlightening public opinion, and restraining, as far 
as possible, the views of that cabinet. I refer the 
reader, therefore, to these documents, and to the 
brief exposition which I shall give, when I come 
to speak of the policy of the United States; and 
shall now pass on, to give some idea of the country 
and government of that Republic. 

It is well known, that the territory of the Unit- 
ed States of America already occupied an extent 
of 1300 English or American miles from East to 
West, and 1000 from the Lakes of Canada to the 
confines of the Floridas and Louisiana, before the 
acquisition of the latter province; and that by this 
was added to it an almost equal extent of beauti- 



Mly diversified and fertile lands: so that the ter- 
ritory of these states may now be estimated at about 
two millions of square miles, and according to 
the computation of Captain Hutchins, at twelve 
hundred millions of acres, including water, which 
forms a considerable portion of the surface, in 
consequence of the multitude of rivers, lakes and 
bays wliich the country contains. Alt will be seen 
by this computation, that the actual extent of the 
Anglo-American territory, is more than seven times 
greater than that of France before the revolution, 
and of the whole peninsula of Spain and Portugal. 
^^ The Americans, says Volney, delight in drawing 
comparisons of this kind; and the vanity inspired 
by their flattering dreams of future grandeur, in- 
duces them to measure the importance of foreign 
nations by this prodigious scale.^' When Volney 
thus wrote, tlie xlmericans had not yet acquired 
Louisiana, nor had their view been expanded over 
the brilliant prospect which was afterwards opened 
to their presumptuous and mad ambition/ The 
Americans, at present, think themselves superiour to 
all the nations of Europe; and believe that their 
dominion is destined to extend, now, to the isthmus 
of Panama, and hereafter, over all the regions of 
the New World. /VTlieir government entertains the 
same ideas, and in the whole course of its policy, 
calculates upon the illusion of these flattering ex- 
pectations./^ But what is the physical and moral 



24 



strens^tli of the TJnited States ? An immense conn" 
try, and scarcely inhabited on the coasts of the At- 
lantic, in the vicinity of large rivers and bays, at 
some points extending to great distances in the in- 
terior; a country uncultivated, with the forests yet 
unfelled in more than two thirds of its best lands; 
a country in general unsusceptible of any great pro- 
gress in agriculture by reason of the bad quality of 
its soil, and its extreme and variable temperature 
in all situations...... such is the temtory occupied 

by the United States.* 

judging by the calculation of Hutchins, which 
is doubtless exaggerated, and made to please the 
palates of a vain people, of the twelve hundred 
millions of acres which the country contained 
before the acquisition of Louisiana, fifty one 
millions are under water, and only five hundred 
and twenty millions are susceptible of cultivation; 
and by the approximate calculation of Blodgef 

*The reader will have frequent occasion to remark, in 
the course of this Memoir, that Don Luis never suffers the 
favourable impressions, which his observations on the coun- 
try, whenever he confines himself to historical truth, are cal- 
culated to produce on the minds of foreigners, to have a very 
lasting influence. He is always careful to efface them, by a 
subsequent picture of evils, sufficiently terrible to check the 
spirit of European emigration. This will explain the ano- 
maly of " beautifully diversijied and fertile lands" being 
unsusceptible of improvements in agriculture, on account of 
badness of soil, T. 



25 



Made in 1811 there were at that time but 40,950,000 
ill a state of cultivation. 

The greatest advantage which nature has be- 
stowed upon the country is the abundance of its 
waters, which not only lend facilities to agriculture, 
but also to internal and external commerce, to ma- 
nufactories and ship building. But, nevertheless, 
the want of canals, and of roads through the inte- 
rior, prevents the use of this natural advantage 
from being extended, except upon a very reduced 
scale between the diflPereut states of the Union. 

Louisiana which, as I have said, doubled the 
extent of the Anglo-American territory, and which 
contains an immense variety of beautiful grounds 
susceptible of every species of cultivation, has only 
begun to be attended to within a few years, and 
may be regarded as yet in its infancy. 1 shall say 
more of it hereafter. 

The population of the United States, accord 
ing to the census of 1810, amounted in that year 
to 7,230,514 souls, of which must be reckoned 
about two millions of negroes and mulattoes, and 
of these, about 1,600,000 slaves.* At present the 

* We know not from what data the author made these 
calculations, which are in several particulars erroneous. The 
total population of the United States and their territories in 
1810, amounted to 7,239,903; or a greater number, by 9,389 
souls, than Don Luis makes it. Of these 1,191,364 were 
slaves — 408,636 less, than the amount stated bv the author. 
Vid. Niles's Register, Vol. 1, p. 236. T. 
4 



26 



whole population may be estimated at eight or nine 
millions, though various American writers, always 
careful to magnify and exaggerate things, make it 
amount to nine or ten millions. Congress, at their 
last session, ordered another census to be taken, in 
all the states, districts, and territories of the Union, 
from the result of which a more certain calculation 
may be formed, if proper allowance be made for 
that exaggeration, which is produced, not only by 
the interest which the federal government feels in 
making a display of the rapid progress of the po- 
pulation of the whole country, but by the pride 
and rivalry of each state, territory and district, by 
which they are induced to magnify the number of 
their inhabitants, for the sake of procuring to them- 
selves greater importance. 

The States of Massachusetts, New York, 
Peimsylvania and Virginia, are the most considera- 
ble in the Union, and the most populous, with the 
exception of Connecticut, which without doubt has 
more population than all, although its territory is of 
small extent.* In the two Carolinas, tlie popula- 

* It is difficult to conceive how the author could have 
fallen into this strange mistake, with regard to the popula- 
tion of Connecticut. By the Census of 1810, which is the 
latest that Mr. de Onis could have seen when his work was 
Written, Massachusetts (then including Maine) had a popu- 
lation of 700,745 New York 959,049 Pennsylvania 

810,091— Virginia 974,6£2— -and Connecticut only 261,94^, 

T, 



27 



lion increases very little^ and one third of it, as 
well as in Virginia and Maryland, is composed of 
negroes and mulattoes, nearly all slaves. The 
whites appear rather to diminish than to increase 
in these states;* which must be attributed to their 
use of strong drinks, and to a life of voluptuous 
excesses. Despising matrimony, they commonly 
unite themselves with the negresscs and mulat- 
tresses. They are but little inclined to labour, pre- 
sumptuous, vindictive, and cruel to their slaves. 
The inhabitants of the States of the North are 
more laborious, and less corrupt. Those of Dela- 
ware, Ohio, Kentucky, Tennessee and Georgia, 
are poor; and, with the exception of Delaware, 
they all resemble the savages, or aboriginal In- 
dians, very much, in their customs and mode of liv- 
ing. They are much addicted to the chace, and 
make their excursions like the Indians, generally 
on horseback, and with a musket. Of late years 
they have been constantly emigrating, principally 
to the territories of Louisiana, and others usurped 
from Spain in the Floridas, provinces of Tehas, 



* The white population of the States of North and South 
Carolina, Virginia, and Maryland amounted in 1800, to 
1,274,891, and in 1810, to 1,381,257; making an increase in 
the ten years of 106,366, which, when it is considered that 
these states are indebted but little to emigration for theii 
population, will sufficiently establish the reverse of Jinn Lu- 
is's proposition. T. 



anfl 'New Mexico^ as well as to those which, under 
various pretexts, the §;overnment has successively 
seized upon from the Indians. 

In the iirst, they have already erected three 
States^ Louisiana, Mississippi, and Illinois, besides 
the territories of Orleans, Missouri, and part of Ala- 
bama, which it is contemfilated also to form into a 
State. 

In the second^ the State of Indiana has been 
established, and the territories of Michi^^an and the 
North West have been or2;anized, to say nothing 
of the usurpations, which have been made in both^ 
to enlarge the limits of the United States. It is 
well known, that the Federal Constitution admits 
no state into the Union as sovereign and indepen- 
dent, unless it has at least 60,000 inhabitants. Un- 
til the population reaches this number, the country 
which it occupies, cannot enter into the Union, but 
exists as a territory of it, governed by the President. 
From what has been said, it miglit be thought, that 
the population in the countries acquired from the 
ultramarine possessions of Spain, or usurped from 
her, was necessarily very considerable, since three 
States and several territories have already been 
formed; but I have guarded against this erroneous 
calculation, by pointing out the facility and the in- 
terest in exaggerating the population, and supposing 
it greater than it really is. This is practised with still 
greater artifice and collusion in the territories, which 



39 



aspire to become States, and ask to be admitted in- 
to the Union. According to the census of 1810, 
the population, in all the districts of which I have, 
spoken, amounted to 109,000 souls, almost the whole 
of which was composed of negro and mulatto 
slaves.* Even supposing this computation to be 
faithful and correct, still it does not make the com- 
plement required to form two states; and it is noto- 
rious, that the population in these immense countries 
has increased little or nothing since the period 
mentioned, with the exception of that of Illinois, 
which has made some progress by virtue of the be- 
nignity of the climate, and the great advantages of 
a free traffick with the Indians, and a clandestine 
one with the neighboring provinces of New Spain. 
Cultivation has scarecely yet began to be encour- 
aged at some few points of this vast region; but 
as both the government and individials extend their 
ambitious views, even with enthus asm, to the fer- 
tile and charming countries of New Mexico, Tehas, 
and other provinces in the interior of Mexico, it is 
probable, that the population will daily increase in 
the Illinois, and other districts bordering on the Spa- 



*The sources from which the author draws his calcula- 
tions, have here led him into another errour: the population 
of these countries, according to the Census of 1810, amounted 
to 174,555, of which only 55,164 were slaves. Mississippi 
in 1816, some time before it was erected into a State, possess- 
ed a population of 74,746, of which 44,781 were whites. T. 



30 



iiish provinces^ and that it will pros^ressively ex- 
tend along the latter. This increase, however^ 
will be of no great consideration for a long time^ 
whether because these countries are at an immense 
distance from the cities and open ports of the Unit- 
ed States, or because cultivation is not the passion 
of the Anglo-Americans, or that adventurers who 
emigrate thither, have not sufficient funds to devote 
to great agricultural undertakings. If the present 
population of the United States continues to in- 
crease, as it has done for the last twenty years, it 
will not be extraordinary if it should cover the most 
important part of these countries, and even extend 
itself much further, in the course of this century. 
In 1790, it amounted only to 3,884,000 souls, and 
in 1810, it exceeded 7,000,000. The Americans 
transported witii pride and vanity, calculate the fu- 
ture increase of their population by this flattering 
rate; and Mellish, who has lately given a map of 
the United States according to memorandums fur- 
nished him by the government, makes this calcula- 
tion with great gravity, and prognosticates that the 
population will amoant in 1820 to 10,098,172 souls: 
in 1830 to 13 millions: in 1840 to 18: in 1850 to 
25: in 1860 to 34: in 1870 to 47: in 1880 to 64: 
in 1890 to 88: in 1900 to 120: in 1910 to 164: and 
in 1918 to 211 millions. If this prophecy should 
be fulfilled, there can be no doubt, there will be in 
the United States, at the end of the present centu- 
ry, a sufficient population, not only to occupy the 



31 



vast countries of which I have spoken^ but to spread 
itself over all the regions of the New World. But 
the prophecy is as ridiculous^ as the hypothesis up- 
on which it is founded is extravagant. If the causes, 
which have produced the great increase of popula- 
tion and wealth in the United States, were ordinary 
and permanent, the calculation would not be too 
exaggerated, and the prophecy might be admitted. 
But who does not know, that the United States owe 
the increase of their population and wealth, of which 
they boast so much, to the revolution of France, and 
the extraordinary events which it produced? They 
acquired from these causes all the French popula- 
tion of the island of St. Domingo, and a great part 
of the inhabitants and colonists of the other French 
islands; and a constant emigration has flowed in from 
France, Switzerland, Italy, the Low Countries, Hol- 
land, Germany, and Ireland, up to the end of the last 
year. During the long period of war in Europe, 
the American was the only free and neutral 
flag in every sea. The Americans then enjoyed a 
long and advantageous period, not only for supply- 
ing the European and Spanish American markets 
with the productions of their own soil at high prices, 
hut for carrying the produce and merchandize of all 
other nations, from the markets and ports of one to 
those of the others. The insurrection in Spanish 
America, opened a field equally flattering to their 
avarice and ambition; they fomented the disorder 



in these provinces, that they might enrich them^elve§ 
with their commerce, and perhaps with their spoils; 
and lastly, they have had recourse to an unheard of 
system of piracy against the vessels and property 
of the Spanish and Portuguese nations, the depre- 
dations upon which have already, as is notorious, 
brought into the United States many millions of 
dollars. 

1 have thus briefly, but truly, explained the 
causes of the rapid and astonishing increase of the 
population, and of the publick and individual wealthy 
of these States. But these causes have disappeared; 
and on the one hand, the extreme and devouring 
luxury which prevails in all classes of the Anglo- 
American people, on the other hand, the blindness 
with which they prosecute mercantile speculations 
and rash enterprises, have within a few years de- 
stroyed large fortunes, and considerably reduc- 
ed the mass of publick wealth. Population, which 
in general increases only in proportion with it, may 
be regarded from the present moment as stationary, 
or at most, but equal in its future progi^ess to that of 
other nations, in which it is not opposed or paraliz- 
ed by capital vices in the political and economical 
systems, or by extraordinary and calamitous events. 
It is true, that in the state of Illinois, in the territo- 
ry of Misuri or Mispsouri, and others adjoining, 
there is as I have said a great stimulus to 'popula- 
tion; but as it increases at those points only at the 



33 



expense of the other states and tenitories of the 
IJnion^ the general product will be alvvajs the same. 
Besides this there is no probability that it can be 
much increased in countries so vast and remote, still 
uncultivated and in forests, and communication with 
which is so painful and difficult. The emigration 
of the people of the East to these new countries is 
composed of miserable creatures, or of ad venture!^ 
seduced by idle expectations. The moment these 
people discover the insuperable or even arduous dif- 
ficulties, with which they have to contend, to break 
up the fields, and form such agricultural establish- 
ments as may correspond witii their wishes, or their 
calculations, they begin to hesitate, abandon one 
place to seek another, and without permanently 
fixing in any, they become itinerants, cultivating 
here and there a small spot of ground; and a traf- 
fick with the Indians, and at some points, with the 
bordering Spanish provinces, forms the principal 
object of their speculations. 

The Americans, however, boast very much of 
the rapid progress of population in the countries of 
w hich I have spoken; and the territory of Missou- 
ri is already anxious to be erected into a State. 
But that territory comprehends an extent from 
North to South, of about 1380 miles, and from East 
to West of about 1680; for among other bounda- 
ries, the internal provinces of Mexico, and the Pa- 
cific Ocean, the Mexican gulf, aiid au ideal line to 



34 



tlie North, are also so regarded. It is evident, the 
United States are not capable of peopling this im- 
mense country; nor is it probable, that it yet con- 
tains the number of inhabitants required by the Fe- 
deral Constitution before it can be erected into a 
State. But there is no doubt, it will soon be admit- 
ted as such into the Union, and that the Americans 
will make the greatest possible efforts to people it 
at the points of most importance, in as much as it 
embraces in its wide extent the greater part of the 
territories in dispute between the government of the 
United States and Spain, which the former is desi- 
rous to become master of at every risk, not only to 
open a communication by land with the Pacific 
Ocean, but to hem in the Spanish provinces, which, 
from the fertility of their soil and the precious 
mines with which it is believed they abound, excite 
still more their ambition and avarice. It is for this 
reason, that the American government talks of estab- 
lishing a chain of fortified posts all along this vast 
country. 

1 cannot conclude my observations upon the . 
country and population of the United States^ with- 
out saying something of the Indians, or aboriginals, 
still remaining in them. A considerable number of 
the Iroquois are yet to be met with in the State of 
New York, and in the eastern part of Long Island; 
but they are all miserable wretches, in nothing re- 
sembling their ancestors, whose character is said to 



have been so l^old, warlike and ferocious. In the 
States of Tenessee and Mississippi, the nation or 
tribe of Cherokees exist; in Georgia, the Creeks; 
in Mississippi, the Chickasaws and Choctaws; in 
the State of Indiana and territory of Michigan, a 
few savage hordes of the nation or tribe of Chippe- 
way are to be found; and others occupy various 
points to the North East of the Illinois and East 
of Lake Michigan. They are all wretched, and 
gradually becoming extinct. Their whole number 
will amount at most to 50 or 60,000. Those who 
live within the Spanish dominions, contiguous to 
the United States, comprise various tribes, some of 
them sufficiently numerous; but they are gradually 
diminishing and abandoning the country to the 
Americans. 

Although the federal government boasts of the 
tenderness and philanthropy with which it treats 
them, it cannot but be observed, that whatever may 
be its disposition to cherish sentiments so becom- 
ing the present age, and all free countries like that 
of America, the fact is, that the Indians are daily 
despoiled of their lands by purchases, for the most 
part fraudulent, or by treaties but little equitable, 
as well as by force of arms. It frequently hap- 
pens, that the settlers, established on the frontier 
or near the lands of the Indians, make incursions 
into them, and rob them of their cattle, and of every 
thing upon which they can lay their hands. They 



36 



complain to the governors and authorities of their 
respective State or Territory^ and in many cases 
to the federal government; but justice is not al- 
ways done to them, nor any satisfaction given. A 
series of these outrages at length wearies their pa- 
tience; and when they find a tit opportunity, they 
take vengeance into their own hands, attack those 
w ho enter their grounds to lay them waste, or drive 
off their cattle, and cither murder them, or some- 
times pursue them beyond the frontier, committing 
reprisals upon the American possessions, with the 
ferocity belonging to their nature. When either of 
these events happens, the cry of alarm and indig- 
nation resounds through the whole United States, 
and the government sends an army to chastise the 
Indians. 

Such is the motive or apparent cause of the 
deadly and exterminating wars, which have been 
hitherto waged against these unhappy beings. The 
government always entrusts the conduct of them to 
impetuous generals, who suffering themselves to be 
carried away by a passion for war, even to the 
overwhelming in ruin these almost defenceless and 
wretched aboriginals, pursue them with fire and 
sword, burn their miserable cabins, and put to de- 
struction all who are not so fortunate as to escape 
to distant forests or inaccessible mountains. 

At the end of the campaign, a treaty is enter- 
ed into with the unfortunate victims^ who have sur- 



37 



vived the extermination of their tribe; and in this, 
the greater and better part of their lands is adjudg- 
ed to the United States, who are thus successively 
getting rid of these neighbours, and possessing 
themselves of the countries which they occupy. 
The two campaigns of Greneral Jackson against 
the Indians of the Floridas, present some exam- 
ples of what 1 have stated, particularly the last, 
which, perhaps, if we examine its circumstances, 
exceeded all the rest in horrours, the remembrance 
of which will last for ever.* 



'•■ The horrours to whiclithe autlior here alludes, are, we 
presume, the military execution of the instigators of these 
Indian wars — Arbuthnot, Ambrister, and the prophet, Fran- 
cis — and the taking possession of Pensacola. Sufficient evi- 
dences that the Indians had been excited to the savage hos- 
tilities which brought upon them the chastisement of Gene- 
ral Jackson, by Arbuthnot and Ambrister, and other agents 
of the British government, were found at every step whicii 
our army took. And the fact, that the prophet Francis had 
been commissioned a& a Brigadier General in the British 
service, has never been disputed. These Indians were un- 
der the jurisdiction of Spain; and, even had not the Spa- 
nish authorities at St. Marks supplietl them with arms, am- 
munition, provision and clothing, as upon their own acknowl- 
edgment they did, still the influence which they permitted the 
English to exercise, within their territories, and tlie protec- 
tion which they afforded to the Indian Chiefs, in violation of 
an existing treaty, will justify GeneralJackson, in the eyes 
of every discerning and impartial politician, in the course 
which he pursued. T. 



38 



Hence it comes, that the Americau name i^ ab- 
horred among the Indians who border upon the 
United States; and that any nation will find them 
always ready to make war upon these people, 
whom they look upon as the most perfidious upon 
earth, and as having systematically conspired to ex- 
terminate or destroy them. Among the European 
nations of which they possess a knowledge, they 
prefer the Spanish and the French; and notwith- 
standing they have ceased to receive the usual pre- 
sents and necessary protection from the Spanish 
government of late years, they still preserve great 
respect and aifection for the Spaniards. Those 
who live within the Territory of the Floridas ma- 
nifest also great esteem and regard for the English. 



•Agriculture^ Manufactories, and Industry 
of the United States, 

The Americans have but little notion of Agri- 
culture, and display neither care nor discernment 
in their attention t€ it. In the States of the North, 
they copy the English in the division of their 
grounds into fields, and in the common order and 
method of their labours. And although they do this 
from the mere force of habit, and without profiting 
by the advancement of reason and experience, yet 
they have greatly the advantage over the farmers- 



39 



of the other States. Their lands are divided into 
lots, or granges, of small extent, proportioned to the 
work of eacli labourer. In the States of the South, 
the lots, or plantations as they are there called, are 
too extensive; the farmer scarcely cultivates any 
part of the ground vsrhich he owns, and does not 
make from his plantation the half of what it ought 
to produce. He pursues a similar method to that 
of the Spanish, English and French planters in 
their respective colonies of this hemisphere; and 
as the produce which they cultivate is precious, 
they prefer their peculiar mode to that of the States 
of the North, which they consider as more expen- 
sive and laborious; and what they lose in the quan- 
tity of their produce, is made up in its value. They 
are contented therefore with this produce; and given 
up to dissipation and voluptuousness, they trust the 
labour to their slaves. In the Eastern, or middle 
States, the method of cultivation is not better than 
in those of the South; and in general the practice 
of agriculture is very imperfect. 

It is remarkable too, that notwithstanding the 
country is so abundantly supplied with water, no 
advantage is taken of it for irrigation: there are 
neither canals nor dykes to make the rivers useful, 
and even in their vicinities, the fields are parched 
and the crops lost during the excessive heats, un- 
less a seasonable rain comes to remedy the evil. 
To this capital defect may be added another equal- 



40 



ly great: the American farmer scarcely knows any 
thing of the utility of manure; he makes but little 
use of it^ and is ignorant how to vary it, or accom- 
modate it to the quality and circumstances of the 
ground. Hence it is, in part, that he prefers the 
clearing up of new lands, to the amelioration of 
those which, because they are not manured, he re- 
gards as worn out or sterile. Thus he is continu- 
ally changing his abode, and abandoning one piece 
of land, for another which appears to be better, 
without employing on any, with perseverance, those 
means and labours, which its quality demands, that 
it may answer his expectations. 

The principal productions of the territory of 
the United States, are wheat, corn, rye, barley, 
maize, oats, rice and potatoes. It produces also 
some hemp, flax, cotton, indigo, sugar cane and to- 
bacco, as well as a variety of plants and forest and 
garden fruits. But these productions differ accord- 
ing to climate and quality of soil: some are pecu 
liar to one State, and some to another. It may be 
said, that the principal production in the Northern 
States is Indian corn: in those of the South, cotton 
and rice; and in the middle States wheat and tobac- 
co. The cotton which is raised near the sea coast 
is of the best quality, and much esteemed in the 
markets of England. The tobacco is very inferior 
to that of our Americas; and can only stand in 
competition with that of the island of St. Domingo. 



41 



Louisiana, and the greater part of the territo- 
ries, of which the United States have possessed 
themselves, are susceptible of every species of cul- 
ture, and adapted to the production not only of all 
the crops which are raised in the richest lands of 
the Union, but of many of those of Europe also, 
and almost all those of our Americas. The French, 
driven from St. Domingo when the negroes became 
independent in that part of the island which France 
possessed, and expelled afterwards from the island 
of Cuba, sought refuge in the United States; and 
it is from them, the Anglo-Americans have learned 
the method of cultivating cotton, sugar, and other 
colonial produce. Since that time, various planta- 
tions have been made in Louisiana^ and in some 
other of the places mentioned. 

In consequence of the general peace in Eu- 
rope, and the obstacles which it threw in the way 
of the mercantile speculations of these States, the 
cultivation of the establishments in Upper and 
Lower Louisiana, Mobile, Alabama, Tombigbee, 
and other places, has been considerably promoted; 
and the enterprises of labourers, speculators and 
adventurers continue in these places, which they 
prefer on account of the topographical situation of 
the country, the fineness of the climate, and the 
fertility of the land. Their progress, however, 
has not corresponded hitherto, with the flattering 
hopes which these people had conceived. The 



4S 



ambition of individual adventurers conspires with 
that of the government, in the cultivation and po- 
pulation of these vast regions, and in the desire to 
approach more nearly by these means the more 
opulent and more desirable provinces of New 
Spain. But though the enterprise is seductive and 
flattering, it is certainly impracticable; for there is 
not sufficient population in the United States to re- 
alize it. And these establishments, too much scat- 
tered over these extensive regions, and separated 
from each other by immense distances, without a 
facility of communication, will always be insigni- 
ficant or precarious, until the United States possess 
a superfluous population, which from their number, 
or the difficulty or scarcity of convenient subsist- 
ence on their native soil, shall separate and scatter 
themselves over the adjacent countries. 

The pastures in almost all the States are 
abundant, and supply copious provision to a great 
number of cattle, sheep, horses, and swine. But 
these pastures are not very substantial; they spring 
up and grow generally in the most astonishing man- 
ner, without the help of art, but are inundated in 
the vallies and meadows by the rains of winter, 
and the melting of snow and ice, or the torrents 
from the mountains and hills. Hence, it results 
that the meats with which the publick are supplied, 
are of little substance, and excessiveh icatery, and 
the same may be said of almost all the fruits of the 



43 



country. The method of making good artificial 
meadows is unknown; and the few that are to be 
seen, in the neighborhood of some of the cities, 
show by their bad arrangement and want of variety, 
that the Americans are yet ignorant of this impor- 
tant branch of agriculture.* 

I cannot omit to say, that the liorses of this 
country are of good stature, and of beautiful figure, 
but not strong, nor at all comparable to the Span- 
ish horses in point of vigour and docility. They 
are of the English breed; and only in the States 
and Territories bordering upon Mexico and the 
Floridas, are they crossed with the horses of those 
countries, which come from the Spanish breed; but 
though on account of this mixture, they are stronger 
in those frontier States and Territories, they are 
very inferior to those of Andalusia. 



* It is probable, that ike Chevalier de Onis never saw 
more of the United States than was presented to his view 
on the publick road from New York, or perhaps from Boston, 
to the City of Washington. The interiors of the States of 
Massachusetts, New York, Pennsylvania and Maryland, to 
say nothing of the others over which his road must have led 
him, present as great a variety of beautiful and abundant 
artificial meadows, as are to be found in the most highly cul- 
tivated parts of Europe. We have never before heard the 
complaint which the author makes against our meats, and are 
at a loss to conceive, where he could have found the dropsi- 
cat animals of which he speaks. T. 



44f 



To have a proper idea of the progress and 
present state of agriculture in the territory of this. 
Republick, it is necessary to bear in mind, that the 
Americans have a passion for frequently abandon- 
ing one piece of land for another, and for always 
preferring new to old lands. Notwithstanding this, 
there were scarcely forty millions of acres under 
cultivation in the whole United States, in the year 
1805; fifteen millions of these were in grain fields 
and gardens; ten millions in meadows and pas- 
tures; and the rest in fallow. Mr. Beaujour, five 
years afterwards, calculated them at fifty millions 
at most; and I do not believe that they exceed se- 
venty at the present moment, for the calculation of 
Beaujour, as the Americans themselves acknow- 
ledge, was very much exaggerated. 

The smallest product of an acre of ground 
(the acre contains about 7000 Spanish feet) in the 
United States, is valued at four dollars; but the 
acre is generally purchased at five or six dollars. 
Deducting from this product two thirds, for the ex- 
penses of cultivation and harvest, it follows that 
the nett produce is 166 1-2 or 233 cents per acre, 
w hich in our money is equal to S2 reals vellon and 
jnaravedisesy or 45 rs. vn. & m. By this calcula- 
tion, it appears that the land in the United States 
produces more than a fifth of its value; and this 
flattering illusion* it is, that has induced so many 

* He demonstrates the result by his own calculation, and 
calls it illusion ! T. 



45 



people to emigrate from Europe with the view of^ 
purchasing lands in the United States; hut expe- 
rience has convinced them of the deception; for 
besides the expenses of transportation, and the 
inconveniences always attendant upon new and re- 
mote establishments, the labour is immensely ardu- 
ous, and wages very high. Instead of the large 
fortunes w hich they expected, and which at first 
were really made, the adventurers and settlers who 
have latterly gone from Europe to America, have 
generally found nothing but misery or death. 
When at the conclusion of the war in Europe, an 
enthusiasm for emigrating to America was excited, 
ships successively sailed for the United States, 
loaded with miserable wretches, principally from 
Switzerland, Holland, and Germany: these unhap- 
py beings were obliged to sell or bind themselves 
for a certain number of years, to pay the cost of 
their transportation and maintenance; and finding 
purchasers with difficulty, they at last become dis- 
contented and groan with repentance, at having 
abandoned their own countrv.* 



*This is, indeed, enough to deter the most oppressed 
and wretched of the natives of Europe, from seeking an 
amelioration of their condition, in the New World ! But, 
fortunately for those of every country who groan under the 
despotism of legitimate tyrants, Don Luis De Onis here 
speaks as a diplomatist, not as an historian. The fact is, 
that not three instances have occurred, for the last thirty 



46 



An acre of ground cultivated in the vicinity of 
large cities, produces annually from six to seven 
dollars, but in the interior of the country, it does 
not produce more than the half of that sum.* Cal- 
culating the mean value of its product, then, at the 
rate of four dollars, the 60 millions of acres in a 
state of cultivation ought to produce 240 millions 
of dollars; but I have already said, and it is well 
known, that of the lands which are considered as 
in a state of cultivation, there is a great deal turned 
out, that neither produces any thing, nor is ame- 
liorated, either because the mania of seeking 
new lands and of preferring them to the old, pre- 
vails among the Americans, or because the pro- 



years, of an emigrant to this country having repented, at 
abandoning his native soil — more particularly among those 
from the three countries mentioned, who are, for the most 
part, mechanics or farmers, and who are certain of obtaining 
immediate employment, and of becoming in a short time in- 
dependent and respectable. It frequently happens, indeed, 
that the dreams of lazy vagabonds, who come to this country 
with the expectation of being maintained in their idleness, 
and of enjoying the blessings of our free institutions with- 
out contributing to their support, are not verified; but the 
honest, industrious emigrant, who knows how to value the 
gifts of nature, and to discriminate between political sys- 
tems, never fails to find all his hopes and wishes, as far as 
they depend upon human exertions, gratified. T. 

■* The annual product of ground in the vicinity of the 
large cities, averages at least four times the amount given 
\fj the author, by the acre. T. 



47 



prietors or tillers, from negligence or impossibility, 
cease to cultivate it. The revenue, or general pro- 
duct, of land in the United States, must be calculat 
ed^ therefore, with a proportionate allowance for 
these facts. I do not include in this calculation the 
rent, or price of tenanted granges and farms, which 
will make about a third of the general product of 
land in these States: let us allow this, then, to 
cover the deficit which must necessarily result, in 
the sum total, from the causes which I have men- 
tioned, and we shall find that the product of land 
in this country cannot amount to much more than 
200 millions of dollars.^ It is, however, the most 
important branch of national wealth. Three fourths 
of it is consumed in the country, and the balance 
exported. 

The product of the woods, mines, and waters, 
of the United States, forms another branch of pub- 
lic wealth. The Americans obtain from their woods 
timber for ship building, and for other purposes, 
for which it is used in other countries; but the timber 



*To form a just calculation of the annual produce of 
agriculture in the United States, and uf the quality of the 
land, it is necessary to keep in mind, that the bushel (an 
American measure very nearly corresponding to the fanega 
of Castille) of seed wheat commonly produces a harvest of 
10 bushels, or fanegas — of rj^e and oats 12 — of Indian corn, 
spelt and black wheat l5 — of rice 18 — of potatoes and tur- 
nips 24; and 'that each field produces, in common, but one 
crop in tl-e year. 



48 



is, ill general, neither durable nor strong, and hence' 
the defect which is observed in their merchant 
ships. ^ There is, however, in the islands and in- 
lets of the South, much excellent timber, particu- 
larly the oak, which is employed in the navy, and 
which is superiour to the greater part of the timber 
of Europe. 

From the ashes of the trees, which are burned 
upon newly cleared lands, they prepare two kinds 
of Soda or Barilla, from the want of these plants, 
which do not grow in their territory. The one they 
call pearl ashes, and the other pot ashes. The 
first is used for dyes, and the second in the manu- 
facture of soap, glass, and glazed earthen ware.f 

They purchase hides and skins from the In- 
dians, who live altogether by the cliace, and this 
affords them considerable profit; but those who en- 



* No country in the world produces the best quality of 
ship timber, in greater quantities, than the United States; 
and the ships, and vessels of every description built here, 
command a higher price in the European markets, than those 
of any other country — which would hardly be the case if 
there were any defect in the timber. T. 

tThis branch of industry employs a great number of saw 
mills, and affords subsistence to many useful people, princi- 
pally to a particular race of rough hardy men, who live in the 
woods, and form an intermediate class between the American 
farmer and the aboriginal Indian. They are exclusively em- 
ployed in felling trees and cutting timber: they are robust) 
intrepid, and half savage. 



40 



2;age in this traffick, are vagrants without a fixed 
abode. 

The annual product of the three articles just 
spoken of, is calculated at fifteen millions of dollars; 
ten are consumed in the country, and ^ve exported. 

The fisheries in the rivers and sea, give a pro- 
duct of from seven to eight millions of dollars. 
Three millions are exported, and the rest is con- 
sumed in the country. It is said, that in this branch 
of industry, fiom sixty to eiglity thousand tons of 
shipping are annually employed, and from eiglit to 
nine tliousand fishermen; and that each one brings 
a revenue to the country of 900 dollars per annum. 
The fishermen, therefore, constitute the most pro- 
ductive class to the United States; for it is calcu- 
lated that the others do not produce more than 450 
dollars a head, that is to say, the people who fol- 
low the sea 700, artists and mechanics 500. free 
farmers 400, the farming slaves 200, and others 
employed in different occupations 300. 

The raising of cattle gives a product of great 
consideration in these States, which may be calcu- 
lated by their number, and the annual consumption 
and exportation of them. The number of horses in 
all the States, is estimated at one million and a half: 
the horned cattle at four millions, and the sheep at 
ten millions. The number of swine and fowls is ve- 
ry great. There are consumed in the United States 
300 millions of pounds of butter, a million and a half 
of horned cattle, two millions of slieep, two miliiony 
7 



50 



of hos;s, and fifty millions of fowls. T shall speak of 
the exportation, when 1 come to treat of the com- 
merce of the country. 

This consintiption of flesh, in a population of 
eight or nine millions of inhabitants, would appear 
disproportioned, did we not know that an Ameri- 
can consumes much more than an European. In 
Europe, it is calculated that a pound of bread, and 
half a pound of meat or other food, will suffice an 
individual per diem. An American daily consumes 
little more than half a pound of bread, but at least 
a pound of meat, besides butter and potatoes, which 
make up at least one fourth of his food. 

In some of the States there are various mines 
of iron, copper, and lead; and in others of coal: their 
annual product, however, is not calculated at more 
than two millions of dollars, nearly the whole of 
which is consumed in the country. This is a proof 
that these mines are naturally poor, or that they are 
badly worked. 

Manufactures did not begin to be encouraged 
in tlie United States, until since the year 1805. 
Until that epoch, they had remained, as it were, 
stationary in the country, and the Americans de- 
pended upon foreign nations, principally upon Eng- 
land, for the dilferent articles which they wanted. 
Attention to them Avas awakened, in a great mea- 
sure, by the obstacles thrown in the way of neutral 
commerce and navigation, by the belligerent powers. 
Their annual product may now be calculated at 12^ 



5i 



millions of dollars, or about 100 millions, after der 
ducting the cost of the raw materials, which are, 
almost all, the produce of agricultue, and of the 
woods and mines of the country. 

The principal branch of this species of indus- 
try in the United States, is ship building. The 
Americans may enter into competition on this point, 
with the most industrious nations of Europe: they 
build every sort of vessel with great facility and per- 
fection, in a short time, and at mucli less expense 
than in Spain, although the price of labour is much 
higher there, than in the dearest country in Europe. 
The vessels built in Philadelphia, Baltimore, and 
New York, are of the best construction: but those 
constructed in the Southern States, or with tim- 
ber from the South, are stronger and more durable. 
It may be calculated, that they do not construct less, 
one year with another, in the diiferent ports of the 
States, than one hundred thousand tons annually. 

Although their commerce has suifered much 
since the general peace in Europe, and the build- 
ing of merchant vessels is consequently considera- 
bly diminished, yet the American merchants and 
speculators have not ceased to fill up the void by 
the construction of privateers and ships of war, 
which they have sold, and continue to sell, to the 
revolutionists of Spanish America. They have sold 
several also to his majesty's government in the is- 
land of Cuba; and it would be well to have more 
constructed, on account of the Spanish nation, in 



the best ship yards of the United 8tates^ for tho. 
service of the national marine in that hemisphere^ 
since it would save one half the expense it would 
cost to build them in Spain^ or in our ultramarine 
provinces.* 

Coaches^ chaises, and other wheel carriages, 
are also manufactured in the principal cities. Car- 
pentry is sufficiently advanced; and a number of 
coaohes, and a considerable quantity of furniture 
for the use and decoration of the houses in Cuba 
and Porto Rico, and others in that part of ximerica» 
are exported, with great profit. 

There are, also, various manufactories for the 
distillation of liquors, for beer and cyder, and some 
for refining sugar, but these last are few and imper- 
fect. In Boston, Rhode Island, and Connecticut, 
cotton is worked by steam machinery, by means of 
which it is cleaned, spun, and twisted, at the same 
time. Manufactories of this kind are also establish- 
ed in many other places, and the use of steam ma- 
chinery is becoming general in the country, to their 
great advantage, since it economizes labour, dimi- 
nishes expense, and produces the desired ejBPect 
with facility and promptitude. But the cotton stuffs 
of this country, are, nevertheless, still of very infe- 



* It is strange that the Bon should recommend the con- 
struction of ships for his majesty's navy, in the United States, 
after stating that all the vessels of the United States are re- 
markable for the defect of their timber, T.. 



53 



rior quality; tliey are coarse, and are but little con- 
sumed. The same may be said of the manufac- 
tures of woolj flax, and hemp: the Americans im- 
port from foreign countries Avhat they require for 
clothing; the linens and cloths from their manufac- 
tories are very inferior and coarse, besides being 
I)ut of trifling quantity. Among tlie causes which 
impede the progress and encouragement of their 
manufactories, may be reckoned the following: the 
excessive luxury of all clsses; the exorbitant price 
of labour; the copious introduction of goods from 
England, France and Germany; the exclusive pas- 
sion for commerce, in all those who hold capital; 
and the want of means and faculty in the govern- 
ment to alter this combination of circumstances, 
and to redeem the country from their dependence 
upon foreign nations. 

During the late war with Great Britain, an 
effort was made to promote the manufacture of fine 
cloths, and to provide for the deficiency of supply 
from that nation; and the result was, that some 
few yards of clotii were woven, as good as the 
best from English manufactories, but it was doubly 
expensive; the enterprise was abandoned, and the 
peace between the two nations dispelled even the 
idea of any similar attempt. 

The manufactories of liats have been multipli- 
ed and brought to perfection in the principal cities. 
That of Danbury, in Connecticut, has great repu- 
tation; and in Boston, New York, Philadelphia 



5^ 



and Baltimore, Castor and Wool hats are made, 
effiml to the best in Europe. There are bat few 
Storking looms; and the stockings that are woven 
in those of the different towns and cities, are very 
coarse: those of Grermantown, near Philadelphia, 
are the best. There is not a single manufactory 
of silk stuffs in the whole United States; and with 
the exception of what comes from China, this 
costly branch of luxury is principally supplied to 
the Americans by the French. 

Candles of tallow, a few of wax, and a great 
mauy of spermaceti, are manufactured in the coun- 
try. Nantucket, a small town of Rhode Island, ^ 
has the reputation of making the best spermaceti ;. 
candles; they are in fact the whitest, but they are 
inferior to those made in the North of Europe. 

Paper mills are common in all the States: 
there is a great consumption of writing, as well as 
of printing paper, throughout the country, but it is 
made of cotton, and is of very bad quality. 

The Americans follow the example of the En- 
glish in various articles of their industry: they ma- 
nufacture all sorts of leather articles, which differ 
but little from the English. They export to the 
Spanish islands, and others in that quarter of Ame- 
rica, and even to Venezuela and other places on 
the Continent, large quantities of horse trappings, 
shoes and boots, principally from Salem, Boston, 
Providence, Philadelphia and Baltimore. The< 



55 



best work in leather is done in New Jersey and 
Pennsylvania, and the best tanning in Delaware. 

Gold a'nd silver are worked in almost all the 
large cities, and some of the Workmanship is very 
well executed. There is a multitude of watchma- 
kers and jewellers shops, but they are supplied 
from France, Switzerland, England and other fo- 
reign countries. 

There are several manufactories of common 
glass, but very few of fine crystal. The manufac- 
tory in Pittsbui^, in Pennsylvania, however, has 
been for some time past in the highest reputation. 
A complete service of cut dishes and bottles of all 
sizes, was made in it for the President of the Union, 
wiiich in point of cutting may be compared with 
the most beautiful European glass: the quality of 
the glass has not the whiteness and brilliancy of 
that of England. 

In New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland and 
Virginia, there are various forges for working iron; 
and in many States of the Union, principally in 
those of the North, they make the most necessary 
implements of husbandry, carpentry and ship- 
joinery; but they are neither well made nor well 
tempered, and it is necessary to have recourise to 
those which are brouglit from Europe. 

Tin ware is indiflFerently made in Connecticut, 
Massachusetts, and some other States; but copper 
is still badly worked, and in small quantity, 
because the Americans supply themselves with the 



56 



greater part of the vessels and utensils of this me- 
tal that they require^ from Europe^ and especially 
from Germany. • 

Locksmith ery has been lately introduced into 
the country; but the workmanship is bad, and so 
dear, that if a lock is broken, it costs less to pur- 
chase a new English one, than to have it repaired. 
Cutlery, and all manufactures of steel, are brought 
from England. 

Every species of fire arms, and side arms, arc 
manufactured in the States, and cannons of every 
calibre are cast for the land and sea service. The 
founderies of Philadelphia, Richmond, and Wash- 
ington, cast from 200 to 300 cannons a year; and 
the manufactories of Springfield, New Haven, and 
Harper's Ferry, make from tO to 80 thousand mus- 
kets. As the insurrection in the Spanish provinces 
of America opened a market of considerable profit 
for all kinds of arms and munitions of war, the 
manufacture of these articles in the country has 
been attended to with greater zeal since that period, 
and they have continued to export and sell them to 
the revolutionists. Many have been also carried 
from Europe in American vessels, principally from 
the Hanseatic towns, from Holland and France, 
and being there stored, have been reexported to the 
revolted provinces of America. But this traflRck 
has of late declined; for the English have under- 
taken to provide these provinces with arms and mu- 
nitions of war, and as they furnish them cheaper 



57 



than the Americans, they have supplanted the lat- 
ter, leaving them little or nothing to gain by that 
trade. 

There are also manufactories of gun powder 
in New York, Philadelphia and Baltimore, and 
One was established, three or four years ago, by a 
Frenchman, near Washington, in the State of De- 
lawai'e;* but all these manufactories are of little 
consideration, badly managed, and very inferior to 
those of Europe. 

It will be seen, from what has been said, that 
the Americans still depend upon Europe in rela- 
tion to manufactures; and that it is not possible to 
perfect or multiply their own, under the present 
system of their government and laws, and during 
the existing order of things. Each manufactory 
has, in general, worked hitherto only for the dis- 
trict, or at most for the state, in which it is estab- 
lished, and the amount of exports of American 
manufactures for the whole Union is very trifling: 
the value does not exceed the sum of ^ve millions 



*The author has, several times, made use of the phrase 
" near Washington, in the State of Delaware," which might 
lead foreigners into the errour of supposing, that Washing- 
ton was in that State. The powder mills referred to, are 
situated on the Brandywine creek, near Wilmington, in the 
State of Delaware; and the powder made by M. Dupont, is 
regarded as inferior to none manufactured in any part of the. 
world. T. 

8 



o8 



of dollars per annum. 1 cannot omit, however, to 
speak of some machines invented or used in the 
country; for they deserve the attention of every 
nation that desires to promote and facilitate the 
progress of their manufactories. The one is for 
making nails, and the other for making wool and 
cotton cards. The iirst is worked by water, and 
makes 140 nails in a minute; the head and shaft of 
the nail are made by a single motion. A child may 
work the machine, and it requires a very small vo- 
lume of water to give it the requisite motion. It 
is so constructed, that its motion may be stopped at 
pleasure in one part, without interrupting thereby 
the play of the other parts. 

The card machine is still more ingenious: to 
form every double tooth in the card, the machine 
moves the metal plate, stops it and perforates it, 
draws the wire, cuts it, stops and doubles it; car- 
ries it to the frame, introduces it into the little holes 
previously made in it, and doubles it again: these 
ten distinct operations are repeated 143 times in a 
minute, and may be continued at that rate for the 
whole day, with but little labour. A little boy or 
girl may set two machines to work at the same 
time, and make 25 cards a day. The cards are 
superiour to those made by hand, as their teeth are 
more regular, stronger, and more elastick. 

The Steamboat is also an invention of that 
country; but it is already too well known in Spain, 



59 



and in the greater part of Europe^ to make it ne- 
cessary that I should speak of its construction, or 
its great utility. No one doubts the advantages of 
the Steamboat, for the navigation of rivers and ca- 
nals, and for military defence at the entrance of 
ports and bays. The invention is susceptible of 
many improvements, and even of being carried to 
perfection. 

The machinist, Fulton, who a as its author, 
was the inventor also of another machine, which he 
oifered to France, and to England; but being ac- 
cepted by neither power, he finally off'ered it to the 
United States, who it appears adopted it. He 
gave it the name of Torpedo, though it does not 
produce the eifect attributed to this fish, but rather 
that of an artificial mine. The Torpedo is a box 
made of copper, which is filled and charged with 
gunpowder; it has a spring lock within to give fire 
to the powder at will. The machine is enveloped 
in a covering of cork, or other light material, floats 
under the Avater, and by means of a harpoon appli- 
ed to the sides of a vessel, it is fixed under the 
keel, the lock then goes off, and the vessel is blown 
up in the same manner that a castle is, by the ex- 
plosion of a subterranean mine. The Americans 
have yet had no opportunity of making use of this 
machine; but they will doubtless employ it, when 
they consider it necessary or convenient. Terrible, 
however, as the, invention of this mode of destruc- 
tion may be, there is this consolation to humanily, 



60 



that it is not easy to make use of it; for it very 
rarely and with great diflBculty occurs, that the 
combination of circumstances is altogether favora- 
ble for striking the harpoon against the sides of an 
enemy's vessel, and fixing this dreadful machine 
under the keel, without its being discovered and 
prevented by the enemy. 

Another invention of this kind is, what is 
called the infernal machine. This machine was 
invented by an armourer of Philadelphia. It is 
composed of seven musket barrels, united by a 
breech, like the common muskets, but proportioned 
to the size of the seven barrels: they are loaded 
with 30 balls each, and are so connected, that upon 
being fired, there is a continued discharge of 210 
balls, one after the other, which, having the advan- 
tage of being (firected by a single aim, may all take 
effect. It may with reason be called an infernal 
machine; for it is capable of defending against any 
attack, however powerful it may be. The Ameri- 
cans have used it with great success in their naval 
battles, and to this may be principally attributed 
the victory in the famous battle of Lake Erie, in 
which the whole English squadron was captured, 
owing to the mortality and confusion caused by 
this machine in one of the English vessels that 
boarded the American Commodore.* The Ameri- 

* This is another mistake of the author: there was no 
infernal machine on board the fleet of Lake Erie, nor did 
any of the English vessels board the American Commodore. 

T. 



61 



can vessels of war generally carry six of these 
machines, which they place in the chain wales, for 
the purpose of raking the enemies' decks and de- 
stroying particularly their officers. The machine 
has been lately ordered to be used in the army, two 
to each battallion.* Nothing can be more terrible 
in land service for the defence against cavalry, or 
the bayonet, than these machines, which may be 
easily carried upon a mule, and by means of a rest, 
which is planted in the ground with the greatest 
facility, they may be pointed to any direction re- 
quired. It is of singular utility in defending 
breaches from any attack whatever. T sent one of 
them to the government of Havanna, with a person 
to direct how it should be loaded and fired: but 
notwithstanding my desire, that all expedient use 
should be made of it, and though the illustrious In- 
tendant Don Alexandro Ramirez did every thing in 
his power to procure its introduction and general 
use, it appears that, to this moment, nothing has 
been done. 

* The whole of this account of the use of any infernal 
machine, in the army or navy, is erroneous. The author, it 
is supposed, alludes to a repeating gun, invented by Joseph 
G. Chambers, of Pennsylvania, the property of which is, to 
fire 224 shots in rapid succession, allowing time, however, to 
point the piece to a different aim, at each shot. The House 
of Representatives of Pennsylvania, passed a resolution au- 
thorizing the governor to contract with the inventor for a 
very trifling supply of his guns; but they were never brought 
into use, either in tlie army or navy of the United States. T. 



Commerce of the United States. 

Commerce appears to be the grand basis of the 
prosperity^ wealth, and power of the United States. 
But without stopping here to point out the insolidi- 
ij of this basisj when it is not perfectly combined 
with the produce of the agriculture, manufactures, 
and industry of the country; and without bringing to 
mind, the destructive vices which are always cher- 
ished in the bosom of a Republick or of a state, 
which owes its grandeur only to commerce, I shall 
confine myself, at present, to give a succinct, but 
correct, idea of that which is carried on by the An- 
glo-Americans with foreign nations. 

The independence of the United States, had 
scarcely been realized, and the people of the con- 
federacy, freed from tlieir internal conflicts, had 
scarcely begun to revive their efforts towards open- 
ing a vast career to their commerce, when the me- 
morable revolution of France broke out, and gave 
origin to the wars which desolated Europe from 
that period to the general peace of Paris. 

The period wliich elapsed from the year 1789 
to 1814, was as flattering and fortunate for the An- 
glo-Americans, as it was dark and disastrous to the 
nations of Europe. The former prodigiously aug- 
mented theiv number of merchant vessels; and their 
flag, respected as neutral in every sea, not only 
carried the productions of their own country to the 



63 



•ports of the belligerent powers^ but the produce 
and merchandize of foreign countries, to the differ- 
ent markets of Europe and America. The value 
of their exports in 1791 amounted to 19^012.041 
dollars^ including two or three millions, the value 
of the produce and merchandize of foreign coun- 
tries introduced into the United States and thence 
again exported to the markets of other nations; and 
the value of imports for the consumption of the 
country, amounted to 19,082,828.^ In proportion 
as the war became more general in Europe, and 
the necessity of maintaining large armies and fleets 
required an extraordinary and enormous consump- 
tion, the commerce of the United States increased 
with astonishing rapidity; and, w ith the exception 
of what it suffered during the embargo, and the 
war which the government undertook against Great 
Britain, to please ,^^apoleony-\ it did not decline till 



■^According to BlodgeVs Tables, for 1791, the exports, 
for that year, from the United States, ai American jjroduc- 
tions alone, amounted to the value of :28,206,688 dollars. T. 

t That one who, like Don Luis De Onis, had on so many 
occasions experienced the independent firmness of the Ame- 
rican government, should reiterate the stale accusation of 
French influence, is really extraordinary. He could have 
travelled no where through the United States, without find- 
ing daily occasion to remark the great prevalence of an oppo- 
site influence, and to verify the observation of a discernino- 
traveller, "that he never saw an En^liskman in tlie country, 
that was not treated as a native, nor a Frpnch.nan t!iat was 



64 



since the general peace of Europe. In the yeai 
1794, the value of exports amounted to 33,04>3,725 
dollars, including 16,848,625 dollars, the value of 
foreign produce reexported from the country; and 
the imports from different parts of the world, 
amounted to 93,020,515, including 46,642,725 of 
foreign articles, which were in part exported after- 
wards, leaving the nett result of imports for the 
consumption of tlie country, according to calcula- 
tion, at 88,900,000. The commerce varied but lit- 
tle in the last years of the 18th century; and taking 
as the scale from that period, the years 1802, 3 and 
4, the result, according to the statements of the 
Treasury Department, (official) is an average of 
143 millions of dollars: in exports 68 millions, to 
wit, 24 to England, 4 to Russia and Germany, 9 to 
Holland, 12 to France, 7 to Spain, 2 to Portugal, 
3 to Italy, 1 to China and Bengal, and the remain- 
ing 6 to other parts of tlie world; in imports 75 
millions, to wit, 36 from England, 7 from Russia 
and Germany, 6 from Holland, 8 from France, 5 
from Spain, 1 from Portugal, 2 from Italy, 6 from 
China and Bengal, and 4 from other parts of the 
globe. 



not treated as a foreigner." The charge is still more strange, 
as coming from Don Luis, since he seems to take particular 
delight in calling the citizens of the United States, Anglo- 
Americans — a term which can have no other ground of pro- 
priety for its application, than the prevalence of English sen- 
timents in the country. T. 



65 



The articles of exportation, with their value, 
are the following: the productions of the country, 
such as salt beef and pork, wheat, flour, and other 
articles of the animal and vegetable kingdoms, 17 
millions; cottons 7 millions; tobacco 6 millions; 
lumber, soda, and other productions of the forests, 
4 millions; produce of the fisheries 3 millions; ma- 
nufactures of the country 2 millions, amounting in 
all to 89 millions. The 29 millions remaining are 
of foreign articles, such as woollens, linens, sugar, 
coffee, tea, wines and other liquors which are 
brought into the country, and exported again for 
foreign markets. 

The importations from England, consist prin- 
cipally in woollen and cotton goods, in hardware 
and delft: those from Russia, Germany and Hol- 
land, in cordage, coarse linens, glass and toys; from 
France, in wines, sweet oil and fruits; from China^ 
in tea and nankins; from Bengal, in white cottons 
and muslins; and from Spanish America, the 
French and English Colonies, in coffee, sugar, co- 
coa, molasses and rum. In the years 1806 and 
1807, this commerce reached its maximum — for in 
the first of these two years, it amounted to 191 
millions of dollars, and in the second to 211 mil- 
lions — 103 in exports, for the most part of foreign 
goods and produce, and 108 in imports. It fell in 
the succeeding years in consequence of the prohibi- 
tory decrees of Napoleon, and the English orders 
9 



6G 

111 council, as well as on account of the embargo, 
and the war of the United States with England. 

Under favourable circumstances, the value of 
the Anglo-American commerce, cannot be calculat- 
ed, one year with another, at more than 200 mil- 
lions; but at present it cannot amount to half thai 
sum, for the general peace in Europe, has not only 
put a stop to the extraordinary consumption which the 
armies and fleets of the belligerent powers required, 
but has also opened the seas to all nations. Eve- 
ry one brings from America, and other parts of the 
world, what is wanted for their markets, according 
to the extent and state of their marine, 'l^he island 
of Cuba, opened to foreign commerce, injures the 
Anglo-Americans, as much as it benefits Spain. 
The colonial produce, which was before carried by 
the Americans, is now exported from the island in the 
vessels of various nations; and if all the possessions 
in Spanish America, enjoyed a like free commerce 
with that island, and would not supply themselves 
as hitherto from the contraband commerce of the 
English and Anglo-Americans, the revenue of the 
customs in the Spanish possessions, would produce 
enormous sums to the treasury; and the commerce 
of the United States would suffer a still more fatal 
blow, for they have nothing to export to these pos- 
sessions, their commerce with them being altogeth- 
er carried on in foreign goods and produce. 

The balance of trade is generally against the. 
United States, as it respects the islands of Cuba 



67 



and Porto Rico, which are the only islands that 
enjoy a free commerce; and the same thing vvonld 
occur in all the other Spanish possessions, if the 
same n eans were adopted, to grant them a free 
trade. They gain by their trade with France, 
Spain, Portugal, and Italy, but lose with England, 
China and Bengal. The balance in favour of Eng- 
land is not less, one year with another, than 12 
millions of dollars; and calculating the amount of 
the balance in their favour with other nations, to co- 
ver this loss and that which they suffer with China 
and Bengal, their general loss cannot be less than 7 
millions. It may be said, as a certainty, that the 
English are the only people who gain by their 
commerce with the Anglo-Americans: the payments 
which the latter make to the former are in coin; 
and by this means England opens a certain chan- 
nel by which she receives all the gold and silver, 
which the Anglo-Americans derive from Spanish 
America. And she entertains neither jealousy nor 
inquietude about the commerce which they carry 
on with those possessions, since they export to them 
nothing but English goods, or such produce as the 
English have not; and because the most precious 
returns, gold and silver, and the raw materials of 
the greatest importance, go to supply her markets, 
and the manufactures from her workshops go to 
continue this trade, so favourable to the interests of 
her nation and her government. 



68 



The Americans derive^ notwithstanding, great 
advantage from this trade, for they do not fail in ge- 
neral to gain upon the commodities which they ex- 
port from England, and they have besides the secure 
benelit of their freight — an advantage which not 
only seems to cover, but considerably to overba- 
lance, the result in favour of England, if we com- 
pare the imports and exports of her commerce with 
the United States. But to judge correctly, on 
which side the real advantage lies in this commerce, 
it is necessary to keep in mind, that the Anglo- 
Americans, for want of sufficient funds for the wide 
extent of these speculations, avail themselves of 
the credit of the rich capitalists of England, and 
are consequently obliged to pay the stipulated in- 
terest upon the value of the articles, for which they 
are credited. The English derive great benefit 
from this circulation of their capital, for there is 
no nation that possesses it in such considerable and 
disposable quantity: they neither pay for in ad- 
vance, nor sell upon credit, any thing but articles 
manufactured in their own country; and besides 
the advantage which they have in the copious ex- 
portation of these articles, in which their manufac- 
tories abound, they enjoy that of the interest just 
spoken of, and that of receiving payment from the 
Anglo-Americans only in effective money, or raw 
materials not produced in their own country, Avhich 
they manufacture and sell again to the same Anglo- 



69 



Americans at a very considerable profit: so that 
the merchants or speculators of the United States, 
are compelled to repurchase from England, at 20 
millions of dollars at least, the very same thing 
which they sold for five, if we take into this cal- 
culation the necessary expense of freight, England 
has continued thus constantly to draw from the 
United States the money that comes into them, and 
to reduce the commerce of that country to a mere 
deceitful chimera, from which none but their capi- 
talists and manufacturers really draw any solid 
profit; and it is clear, too, that while it drains these 
States of money, it impedes, paralizes or destroys 
their industry, by the flattering illusion which this 
round of continual speculation and of constant 
anxiety keeps up. The Anglo-Americans are be- 
witched by a sort of fanaticism, wliich does not 
permit them to see the absolute dependence in whicli 
England holds them. They know very well, that 
their industry cannot enter into competition with 
that of England, because their country is scarcely 
peopled even on the sea coasts, and borders of the 
great rivers, and because wages are excessively 
dear in it: and they know, that they want both po- 
pulation and machinery to facilitate labour, and eco- 
nomize hands and expense — essential circum- 
stances, in which England has a decided advan- 
tage, not only over the United States, but over eve- 
ry other people, even the most civilized and indus- 



70 



trious. But notwithstanding their knowledge of 
all chis^ they have hitherto made no efforts to 
change the course of their commerce, and under- 
take a system adapted to their true interests. The 
country is exhausted of money, and it is believed 
that the amount of it at present in circulation, in 
all the States of the Union, does not exceed 20 
mUlions of dollars. This scarcity of effective 
funds, and the failures which are continually suc- 
ceeding each other throughout the country, have 
debased credit and publick confidence. The Banks 
had facilitated the speculations of the merchants, 
by giving them, in paper money, the sums they 
wanted, in exchange for their notes at a discount of 
six per cent, per annum; but so excessive has been 
the multitude of Banks in that country, and so dis- 
proportioned to their specief the quantity of paper 
money which they had and still have in circulation, 
that the publick have no longer any coniidence in 
them, and only suffer them from the consideration 
of not losing the whole. The Banks w ould be de- 
clared in a state of bankruptcy, were all or the 
greater part of the individuals who hold their pa- 
per to demand payment in specie. The Bank of 
the United States, which was created two years 
ago as a national establishment, under the direction 
of the government, is that which is most in discre- 
dit; and, at the last session of Congress, memori- 
als were presented from various States of the Union, 



71 



pelitioniDg for its abolition on account of the scan- 
dalous frauds and robbery of the publick, commit- 
ted by its directors and officers. The reasons al- 
leged against this Bank were but too weighty^ and 
1 he proofs but too evident; but as the Executive 
power had a decided interest in supporting it, for 
the sake of using its funds in their necessities^ no- 
thing was decreed against it^ except to place it un- 
der the immediate inspection of the Treasury De- 
Jiartmeht, and by this means at the absolute dispo- 
MSi\ of the Executive power.* Thus, then, with- 
out sufficient funds to pursue their mercantile spe- 
culations, and without credit either in or out of the 



* The Act to incorporate the subscribers to the Bank of 
the United States, was passed in April, 1816. It was esta- 
blished with a capital of 55 millions of dollars, one fifth part 
cf which only was subscribed by the United States: its affairs 
are governed by twenty five directors,^r^ of whom only, who 
must he stockholders, are appointed by the President of the 
United States, by and with the advice and consent of the Se- 
nate. The officer at the head of the treasu ry department, has 
a right to demand a weekly statement of the concerns of the 
Bank, but has no authority whatever to regulate its proceed- 
ings, nor to dispose of its funds. Don Onis was sufficiently 
acquainted with the nature of our government, and the limit- 
ed powers of our Executive, to know that he was statin«; 
what was not true, with regard to the funds of the Bank 
of the United States. He knew that neither the Secretary 
of the Treasury, nor the President, could have the absolute 
disposal of any funds, unless by the authority of the people of 
(he United States. T. 



^■i 



7*Z 



country, the Anglo-American niercliants know not 
what to do, and commerce is as it were paralized 
at every point of the Union. The English have 
endeavoured to draw off their balances in specie, 
and other nations will give no credit to men who 
thus abuse publick faith. It has been heretofore 
every where said, that a Jew could cheat the most 
circumspect and sagacious; but experience has long 
since established it as a positive maxim, that an 
Anglo-American will completely overreach the 
most astute and cunning Jew. These people not 
only manage to impose upon, and to sacriiice stran- 
gers, but they are continually destroying each other, 
by horrible frauds and impositions in their transac- 
tions and dealings. 

It is astonishing, in a country so advantage- 
ously situated for commerce, where they have no 
imposts or taxes to pay, where every species of in- 
dustry is entirely free, and where far from having 
suffered calamities by the war, or other disastrous 
events, as in Europe, they acquired such large for- 
tunes, and enjoyed so much prosperity during the 
unfortunate contest among the European nations, 
that the people should be found plunged in wretch- 
edness, and the commercial houses almost all either 
bankrupt or tottering. 

Such is the present state of the Anglo-Ameri- 
cans; and it is easy to perceive and trace the causes 
which have led to this rapid an%l ominous decay. 



a 



1 consider as the first^ or as the most destructive, 
of these causes^ the great abuse which they made 
of the many advantages and chances, which cir- 
cumstances afforded them, from the period of the 
French revolution to the general peace in Europe. 
Their avarice and ambition were evinced from that 
time with a portentous excess; they absorbed every 
thing; they gave an extent to their commerce whicli 
they were not capable of filling up: the foundations 
that supported it, were fragile and precarious; the 
moment of need arrived, and their commerce was 
ruined. The period of success, prosperity and 
splendour, which they enjoyed, fascinated their 
imagination, and excited their vanity; and an ex- 
cessive luxury extended itself over the whole 
Union, and over all classes of the people. This 
luxury embraced both sexes, from the artizan and 
simple day labourer, to the richest mere hant, and 
most influential gentleman: it reigned in the large 
cities, in the towns, in the villages, and in the coun 
try to the same extreme, and confounded all classes, 
for all dressed in clothes alike cosily and fashiona- 
ble. In the furniture and decorations of the houses, 
the same magnificence and ostentation prevailed. 
It is true, that in their meals, the Anglo-Americans 
are neither very delicate nor very profuse, when 
they liave no guests: jjotatoes and cold salt meaty 
with a little butter <, is the daily sustenance of the 
wealthiest persons; but a rivalship in luxury pre- 
10 



74 



(lomiuates at their entertainments, tea parties, or 
balls, in their coaches^ horses, equipages, servants^ 
and in every thing that tends to support a brilliant 
and splendid exterior. There are other articles of 
luxury, which they have converted, throughout the 
country, into articles of the first necessity; such, for 
example, are the wines of Madeira, Oporto, Sher- 
ry, the Canaries and France, French brandy, cof- 
fee, tea, sugar, and butter; (though the last is the 
product of the country;) for there is scarcely an 
individual in the United States who does not every 
day take coffee with milk, bread and butter, and 
the same thing at night, Avitli the same accompani- 
ments. 

It is calculated, that the Anglo-Americans an- 
nually consume 30 millions of pounds of butter,* 
and according to the statements of the revenue de- 
partment, each individual consumes ten pounds of 
sugar, two and a half of coff'ee, one of tea, and fif- 
teen of molasses. It is calculated also, that the 
Americans consume, annually, 100 millions of bot- 
tles of wine and brandy, and 500 millions of bottles 
of beer, cyder, and other liquors; and that the 
tlmount annually spent in clothing exceeds 100 
millions of dollars. f 



*He has elsewhere said 300 millions, which is much near- 
er the truth. This is, no doubt, an errour of the press. T. 

t The Don very often forgets, that his determination to 
abuse the people of the United States at all hazards, and at 



lo 



From what has been said, an accurate idea 
may be formed of the excess of luxury in the Unit- 
ed States; and if to the statements of which I liave 
spoken^ are added others of which mention is 
made in this memoir, it will be easy to calculate the 
annual consumption of these States. Habituated 



the same time to furnish statistical views of their wealth and 
power, must necessarily lead him into absurd contradictions. 
It will hardly be credited, even in Spain, that a people, ac- 
customed to regard all the luxuries he has enumerated, as 
articles of the first necessity, and to make such an enormous 
consumption of other articles of living previously pointed 
out, could content themselves, even when they had no guests 
at their dinners, with potatoes and cold salt meat. The Signor 
Don Luis de Onis, Gonzales, Lopez, and Vara^ Lord of a 
thousand cities, and Chevalier of a thousand orders, was in 
the habit, while in this country, of courting the company of 
tea table tattlers, and even of questioning the kitchen ser- 
vants of those whose hospitality he shared, with a view to 
collect these scandalous anecdotes. There are those in every 
country, who disgrace the dignity of their nature, by affect- 
ing a style of living beyond their rank or means — who, for 
the sake of making an ostentatious display before company, 
and of exhibiting a splendid hospitality to strangers, who 
despise them, will deprive their families of evei;y comfort, 
and descend to every species of meanness in their domestick 
economy. But the great mass of the people of these States^ 
according to the author's own showing, have the means of 
decent and comfortable living in greater abundance, and do 
actually live in more comfort, than any other people in the 
world. T. 



76 



as these, people are to such luxury, and to such an 
enormous consumption, they cannot at once abolish 
the one nor the other; and hence the embarrass- 
ments in which the country iinds itself. I have 
before pointed out some of the other causes which 
have contributed, and still contribute to this decline, 
and ruinous obstruction, under which the Anglo- 
Amcrican commerce labours. The other causes are 
o])vious, resultlns; from the very elements of the 
federal constitution, and from the contradiction and 
contrariety of interests and of ideas, among the 
different States of which the Union is composed. 

The mercantile speculators, who have dispo- 
sable funds, dare not undertake any thing, with the 
gloomy prospect whicli commercial transactions now 
present. I say, those who have disposable funds, 
for there are many who have them not disposable, 
who have not been able to realize them, in conse- 
quence of the severe losses they have lately sus- 
tained in all their expeditions; and there are others, 
who alt!ions;h tliev have saved a considerable es- 
tate fi om the bankruptcies they have made, conceal 
it by affecting to be left without means. The num- 
ber of the latter is very considerable, in all the 
ports and cities of the Union. Of a hundred bank- 
ruptciese there will be scarcely one that is not frau- 
dulent; there are few countries in which specula- 
tion and traffick are carried on with so 'much strata- 
gem, and fraud, and scandal. Good faith is a mat- 



77 



ler of very little consideration with the Anglo- Ame- 
rican commercial speculator: he knows no other 
law than his own interest; he feels no other impulse 
than that of avarice, and respects nothing but mo- 
ney. Such is the ditinguishing characteristick of 
the Anglo-American merchants, and such in gene- 
ral is the character of ihe greater part of traders, 
of whatever nation they may be.* 

Whilst those who possess capital, will not em- 
ploy the smallest part of it in the promotion of the 
agriculture, manufactories, and industry of the coun- 
try, and whilst along with their speculations there 
still prevails a destructive luxury, that swallows 
up more than all the branches of agricultue and na- 
tional industry produce, commerce must always be 
illusory or precarious. It will become still more so^ 
if foreign nations would facilitate and effectually 
protect the progress of agriculture, manufactories, 
and industry, in all their provinces and dominions, 
as well external as internal, by removing the tram- 
mels that now oppress and obstruct it, and by adopt- 
ing such wise and prudent ordinances and tariffs 
for its regulation, as would obtain for it, if not the 
preponderance over that of other nations, at least an 



* This is a sort of saving clause to the Don. If he plac- 
es the merchants of all nations upon a par, the ^Anglo- Ame- 
ricans have no more cause than the others, to be offended at 
the charmins; character he gives them. T. 



equality with the most speculating and active. 
Spain has nothing to envy any other nation in the 
world: her topographical situation^ the fertility of 
her soil, the excellence of her productions, the 
ahundance of all raw materials, and of every thing 
necessary to life, or useful for pleasure, aiford her 
the natural means of becoming the first nation in 
Europe. All acknowledge this truth; and nothing 
is wanting but to adopt adequate and proper mea- 
sures to realize it. These are very obvious, and 
the great Jovillanos points them out in one word, 
in his Jlgrarian laiv: to respect the right of pro- 
perty, and let every one manage it as it suits him. 
In fact, of what use is it to the labourer to toil for a 
plentiful harvest, if he is not permitted to export and 
sell his wheat how and where it suits him? Of what 
use is it to the manufacturer to spend immense sums 
in perfecting his art, if when he has brought it to 
the highest state of perfection, there comes an ex- 
clusive privilege, or a diminution of duties upon the 
same foreign goods, antl thus entirely destroys the 
fruits of his industry? Commerce, like water, always 
seeks its level, and wherever there is a scarcity of 
one commodity or produce, there the merchant will 
carry it without being solicited to do so. If Spain 
would sell her wheat to the English, Portuguese, or 
French, on terms which are needed in Spain, the 
Americans, English, French, and Portuguese^ 
would flock to Spain with their overplus, and the 



79 



level would be established in that part of the pen- 
insula where this commodity was scarce; whereas 
even by means of publick granaries, or by fixing, 
as England does, such a price as to prevent the ex- 
portation, all the calamities cannot be prevented. 
So long as the prejudice or panick terrour which 
exists upon this point, cannot be removed, agricul- 
ture will not be encouraged, nor manufactories pro- 
moted. But 1 am digressing from the principal ob- 
ject of this memoir, having been carried away by 
the excitement of my zeal for the good of my coun- 
try, and must now return to the thread of my sub- 
ject. 

Although the present state of the commerce of 
the Anglo-Americans is not so flattering, as it is 
perhaps thought to be in Europe, and although it 
is either completely paralized, or in extreme decline, 
it will not be extraordinary if it should recover and 
soon reach a safe and brilliant course; which will 
depend upon circumstances, and upon the conduct 
of European nations.* It is well known that this 
Republick is advantageously situated by nature, for 
commerce with the rest of America, with India, 
China, and Europe: that the acquisition of the Flo- 
ridas will make her mistress of the Bahama chan- 



* Only a few pages back, the author positively asserted 
the impossibility of the United States ever recovering their 
commerce, alleging the obstacles inherent in the nature of 
^\Qlr <rovcrnment. T. 



80 



nel, where the English possess several islands^ 
communication with which they may obstruct in 
time of war: that the possession of the river Colum- 
bia, and the establishment of Astorita, on the Paci- 
fic Ocean, which Great Britain ceded to them by 
the last treaty of commerce, will open a wide field for 
their enterprises and commercial speculations, — 
while at the same time the two Floridas will afford 
them a great abundance of excellent ship timber, 
and the bay of Tampa will supply them with all 
the advantages to form a commodious, safe, and 
spacious port. On the right of the Mississippi^ 
they possess an immense country, where they alrea- 
dy have establishments of great consideration; and 
New Orleans appears naturally destined to become 
the emporium of the wealth, which a commerce 
witli the productions of these vast regions, and those 
of the East, as well as the consumption by their in- 
habitants, must produce, if the augmentation of 
population, and the progress of industry in those 
countries, should at all correspond with the mag- 
nificent hopes of the people of the Union. They 
enjoy a still greater advantage: that of being able 
to dispose of their property, of their estates, their 
labour, and their industry, at their own pleasure, 
and as they judge most conducive to their interests. 
Another advantage, in which they are alike supe- 
riour to all other people, is that of not being obliged 
to contend with monopolies or privileged establish- 



81 



ments, with taxes or burthens, municipal or gover- 
mental. The Anglo- Americaft is free in the pos- 
session and enjoyment of his property: he specu- 
lates and does with it what suits his convenience or 
pleasure, and has nothing to pay but the duties up- 
on the importation of foreign goods or produce. 
These two advantages will always give a great su- 
periority to the people of the United States, over all 
others who , do not possess them; because they com- 
municate to labour its greatest effect, and to the 
spirit of industry, and love of country, their great- 
est latitude, without which no nation can rise to 
prosperity,^ We may perceive the importance of 
these two advantages to the United States in the 



* This may be called a precious confession, on the part 
of his Catholic Majesty's Embassador to the Court of Na- 
ples. Don Luis de Onis, loaded as he was with titles of no- 
bility and orders of chivalry, was accused by his countrymen 
of an overweaning partiality for the free institutions of the 
United States; and it is evident, from the curious nature of 
this memoir, that it was written with a view to exonerate 
himself from this charge in the eyes of the Cortes, and to in- 
duce them to regard his treaty as the most advantageous 
that could be obtained from the United States. The senti- 
ments of the man, are constantly at variance with the policy 
of the minister; and it may be seen, amidst the petty scan- 
dal which he was at so much pains to pick up and retail, 
that under every important view, he has been more lavish of 
eulogy to the United vStates, than almost any other foreign 
writer, who has spoken of them. T. 

11 



82 



instance of Louisiana: so far from bringing any 
thing to the Treasury, while it belonged to Spain^, 
the maintenance of it cost immense sums; but now, 
under the dominion of the United States, it pro- 
duces a profit of three or four millions of dollars. 
The same thing will happen in a short time with 
the Floridas; for it is irrevocably decided in their 
politics, that these provinces must be theirs, amica- 
bly, or forcibly; and there is nothing at present to 
prevent it, locked up and surrounded as they are 
by the territory of the Union, with ten millions of 
inhabitants so disposed as to prevent any foreign 
nation from setting foot into them. 



Military force of the United States. 

Every citizen, in every State, from the age of 
is to 40* is comprehended and enrolled in the mi- 
litia of the country, and obliged to serve when 
called upon. The only persons exempt are, the 
President of the United States, the ministers and 
officers of the Executive branches, those of the Ju- 
diciary, the members of the two houses of Con- 
gress, and their respective dependents; the officers 
and dependents of the Customs, post offices, roads 
and ports; inspectors of exports, pilots and mari- 



45 is the exempting age. T. 



83 



iiers, and those exempted by the laws of their re- 
spective States. 

According to the President's message to Con- 
gress, on the 9th March^ 1816, the total of the mili- 
tia of the Union amounted to 748,566 men; and as 
the number of the citizens of the Republick cannot 
have increased much since that period, it must be 
very little different at present. It is a generally 
acknowledged truth, that the militia are the firmest 
and most powerful bulwark of national defence, 
particularly in a republick; and I believe they might 
become equally so in a monarchy. Well organiz- 
ed, and well disciplined, they might serve in gar- 
risons, and in the field when necessary; and besides, 
they might furnish the best recruits for the army, 
and supply a people already acquainted with and 
accustomed to arms, for the formation of new vete- 
ran corps,* as circumstances required. 

The Anglo-Americans are, in general, of a 
robust constitution, and have all the qualities ne- 
cessary to make good soldiers. They have per- 



* JSTew veterans, is rather a droll term in the Englisli 
language, but the meaning of the author is sufficiently evi- 
dent. It is quite a new thing to see the minister of a mo- 
narchical government, an advocate for Militia. Don Onis, 
however, was well aware that the Supremacy of the Cortes 
was firmly established; and that it would be much more to 
his interest to evince a resjDect for republican principles, 
than to prop the falling dignities of his Jlajestij. T. 



84 



sonal courage, fortitude and pride: they think them- 
selves superiourto other men, and the spirit of liber- 
ty which every where animates them, inspires them 
with arrogance and audacity. Notwithstanding 
this, however, they will never be good soldiers, 
under their present system of laws, government and 
customs. Their Militia, except that of the State 
of Massachusetts, are very badly organized, and 
entirely without subordination and discipline: eve- 
ry State has its own, and they are bound to serve 
only wiihin the State, and for a limited time, which 
in general does not exceed six months. The Ex- 
ecutive has no authority to dispose of them, except 
in the case of foreign invasion, or in the event of 
an insurrection or civil commotion; and even in 
these cases, the generals and officers who command 
them, must be appointed by their respective State. 
It is hardly necessary to point out the embarrass- 
ment, confusion, delays, and evils of every kind, 
that must occur in this Republick, whenever it be- 
comes necessary to call out and employ the Militia 
for the defence of the country, against an expert 
and powerful invading enemy, or to quell a well 
arranged and well supported revolution. It must 
be remembered moreover, that although the Anglo- 
Americans are presumptuous in the extreme, they 
have generally an aversion to military service: they 
all live more or less at their ease, employed in 
some kind of industry; and either contented with 



85 



their situation, or animated with the flattering hope 
of rendering it better, they think of nothing less 
than the service of arms, and look upon it with dis- 
gust, or with profound repugnance. The vague 
idea they entertain of civil liberty, makes them still 
more incapable of submitting to the discipline, su- 
bordination and fatigues of military service; for all 
consider themselves equal, all resist obedience, and 
all believe that there is no law for disturbing them 
in the course of their proper occupations, or in the 
i*epose of their domestick life. 

Such are the people, of whom the Anglo-Ame- 
rican militia are composed, and I must not omit to 
observe, that although their number is very consi- 
derable, there are few who have arms. The Con- 
gress have passed various acts, at different periods- 
ordering that each State should provide its militia 
with a complete armament; but the order has never 
been complied with in the greater part of them. 

The veteran army in time of peace, is reduced 
to ten thousand men, infantry, cavalry, artillery, 
and engineers. In time of war, it is increased by 
volunteer recruits from the different bodies of mili- 
tia, for the Constitution does not allow of conscrip- 
tion or forced enlistments for the service; and hence 
it comes, that the government find it impossible to 
augment the army as it judges necessary or conve- 
nient in time of war, for it is difficult to find recruits. 
In the late war with Great Britain, authoritv was 



86 



given to the President of the United States to in- 
crease the army to 62,448 men; but notwithstand- 
ing the enthusiasm with which the people were in- 
spired, I)y the persuasion that the Republick took 
up arms only to defend their commercial rights and 
the liberty of the seas — notwithstanding all the ef- 
forts and artifices that were employed to obtain vo- 
lunteers and recruits; and notwithstanding the pre- 
mium of 150 dollars for enlistment, and 150 acres 
of uncultivated land, offered to every soldier at the 
conclusion of the war, they were unable to enlist, by 
these means, in 1814, more than 13,898 men, and 
during the heat of the war, which was in 1815, the 
whole army did not exceed 32,160 men. This 
proves, how difficult it is to induce the inhabitants 
of that country, to quit the conveniencies and plea- 
sures of domestick life to take up arms, even in ca- 
ses of the highest importance, and such as woukl 
seem most calculated to rouse their self love and 
their national pride. This little army, however^ 
cost the United States, in the year 1815, the exor- 
bitant sum of 29,423,763 dollars, according to the 
statement of the War minister, including 600 thou- 
sand dollars for the expenses of fortifications, 2500 
for books and plans, &c. required for the War De- 
partment, and 7,500 for the military Academy. 

The highest rank they yet have in the Anglo- 
American army, is that of Major general; next to 
that is the Brigadier general, and the Adjutant and 



87 

Inspector 2;eneral. The first receives 200 dollars 
pay per month, and fifteen rations a day. The 
Brigadier general has 104 dollars a month, and 
twelve rations per day: the Adjutant and Inspector 
general has the pay and rank of a Brigadier, and 
six rations a day: a colonel 90 dollars a month, and 
six rations a day: the lieutenant colonel 75 dollars, 
and ^\Q rations; the major 66 dollars and four ra- 
tions; the captain 50 and three rations: a sergeant 
has eight dollars a month, a corporal 7, and the sol- 
dier 5. This little army ct»sts the United States 
more than one of trehle the force would cost any 
power in Europe; it is badly organized, and pos- 
sesses but few notions of modern tactics. The art 
of attack and defence of fortified places is still un- 
known to the Anglo Americans, as well as that of 
the most important and decisive evolutions in the 
field. They have not yet adopted a Staff in their 
army, nor have they gone beyond the simple prac- 
tice which they learned from the English or French, 
in their war of emancipation and independence.* 



* A practice in war, that leads to emancipation and in- 
dependence, however little it maj be in unison with modern 
tactics, can never be wrong. That our army cost more 
than it ought to have done, during the late war, is not to be 
denied; but that was owing to a thousand contingencies with 
which military science had nothing to do. It was neither 
the fault of the War Department, nor of the military officers 



88 



The President of the Uiiiouj is the command- 
er in chief of the army, and of the whole armed 
force, with the rank of Lieutenant General; but 
he, in general, knows nothing of the military art, 
having pursued an entirely different career, that of 
diplomacy, or of jurisprudence and literature. 

When the English, during the late war, en- 
tered the Chesapeake Bay, and prepared to ascend 
the Potomack, for the purpose of falling upon 
Washington, President Madison was in that capi- 
tal, and not knowing what to do, precipitately 
mounted his horse, and fled to Virginia, leaving 
no orders whatever to repel the enemy. The 
English entered, without the slightest opposition, 
into the Capital of these States; and having hurried 
various publick buildings, directed their march to- 
wards the City of Baltimore. The terrour and 
dismay had operated as far as Philadelphia, which 
is 120 miles distant from that city, and measures 
were already taken there to capitulate with the 



in service, that the army required such enormous ex- 
penditures. If Congress had been willing to appropriate 
half the sum at first, which they were compelled to grant at 
last, to the demands of the service, the whole expenditure 
would have been lessened in that proportion. But, unfor- 
tunately, it costs our government more to maintain the con- 
gressional principles of economy^ than it does any other na- 
tion to support the most lavish extravagance. T. 



89 



enemy, should they present themselves. But the 
English lost their best geueral, Ross, before Bal- 
timore, retired in considerable perturbation, and re- 
turned to their ships after a slight skirmish. A 
dexterous enemy might have succeeded in this en- 
terprise, laid the whole country under contribution 
from Washington to Philadelphia, and made good 
their retreat at will; for every thing was at the time 
in confusion, and there was not a single corps ca- 
pable of resisting veteran troops. 

By this a judgment may be formed of what, 
the Anglo-American army is; and it will never be 
otherwise, while the present constitution subsists^ 
and while the states persist as heretofore in their 
system of neither augmenting nor improving it, for 
fear of its committing abuses against the liberty of 
the country. 

But if every thing conspires to render their 
army insignificant, their fleet is every day receiv- 
ing augmentation, and is already upon a respecta- 
ble and brilliant footing. The Anglo -American 
sailors, if they do not exceed the English in skill or 
courage, like them possess the profoundest know- 
ledge of naval tactics, and great experience in eve- 
ry thing that can contribute to a favourable result 
in naval actions. It is true that, hitherto, they 
have had no actions, except of ship to ship, and 
with small divisions on the Lakes, but in all they 
have manifested great skill and great bravery. 
it 



go 



When their navy shall be adapted for grand bat- 
ties, they will no doubt show the same superiority^ 
of which the English now boast so much; and will, 
perhaps, surpass them, excited as they will be by 
emulation, pride, and that fierceness of enthusiasm 
which a republican spirit inspires. Every thing 
is well organized in their marine: the vessels strt 
of excellent construction, perfectly fitted and armed: 
a rigorous discipline, due subordination, and the 
best order, are observed in them. There is no in- 
stance of an Anglo-American commander or officer 
having faltered in his duty, or of his having failed 
to support, even in the most difficult extremities, 
the honour of his flag: an officer who should con- 
duct himself in any other manner, would not only 
be punished with severity, but his name would be 
for ever loaded with infamy, and abandoned to 
publick execration. These are the principles which 
make an army or a navy formidable; without them, 
no matter how many soldiers or ships a state may 
have, it must not flatter itself that it has an army 
or a navy — it may spend immense sums to support 
these two bodies, which are the pillars of national 
defence, but it will experience nothing but disas- 
ters, defeats and losses, when the necessity for 
employing them shall arrive.* 

* This is the hij^hest compliment that was ever paid 
to our navy by a foreigner, and may atone for many harsh 
things, which the author has elsewhere permitted to slip 



91 



The United States' navy is already composed 
of 62 vessels^ among which are four 74's, that 
mount from 96 to 102 guns each^ and 10 frigates of 
36 and 41, the latter of which mount 56 guns. The 
rest are brigs, corvets, schooners, ketches and bomb 
vessels, generally of 12, 18, and 24 guns. They 
have, besides, one steam frigate, and another nearly 
finished, for the defence of harbours, and several 
gallies, gun boats, and barges. There are five na- 
val depots: at Washington, Philadelphia, Norfolk, 
New York, and Charlestown, in Massachusetts, 
at each of which ships and frigates are now on the 
stocks, for the augmentation of the navy. The 
United States manifest the most decided and con- 
stant zeal, for the progressive increase of their na- 
val force, and it will not be long before they have 
a formidable fleet. In 1816, Congress appropriat- 
ed one million of dollars annually, for a period of 
eight years, for the augmentation of the national 
fleet, and authorized the President to build nine 
ships of the line, to mount at least 74 guns, and 12 
frigates, to carry at least 44. One of the ships of 
the line, is already flnished, and launched at Wash- 
ington, forming one of the four of which I have 



from his pen. He seems correctly to understand the only 
principles that can give solidity to a government, or render 
the power of a nation formidable; and in this exposition, 
there is a fair acknowledgment on the part of his Majesty's 
Minister, that our Republick is not vain without reason. T. 



said the Anglo -American navy consists. The fri- 
gates and the remaining eight ships are not yet 
built, but they will be in a short time^ probably 
before the expiration of the eight years; and Con- 
gress will again appropriate another sum^ and au- 
thorize the President to build other ships, frigates 
and smaller vessels^ going on thus without inter- 
mission, until they possess a fleet corresponding 
with the exalted ideas of aggrandizement, domi- 
nion and naval power, which fill the presumptuous 
imagination of every Anglo-American. 

The plan which the minister of marine pre- 
sented, in 1816, for the annual increase of the na- 
vy, was intended to show the propriety of increas- 
ing it every year, with 202 guns, and that the whole, 
cost every year would be 1,018,676 dollars. The 
cost of a 74, which, as I have said, carries 96 guns, 
is estimated in the United States at 333,000 dollars, 
and that of a 44 gun frigate, carrying from 54 to 56 
guns, at 198,000. The cost of vessels that mount 
from S2 to 74 guns, is estimated at the rate of 4,500 
dollars per gun — of those that mount 20, at 3,500 
dollars per gun, and so in proportion. 

The government has all the vessels belonging 
to the national marine built by contract, and merely 
appoints inspectors to see to the quality of the tim- 
ber and the construction: by this means much mo- 
ney is saved, and the vessels are well built, and 
without delay. 



93 



A 74, in time of war, carries only 656 men. 
and a 44 gun frigate no more than 450, including 
commandant, officers, marines, surgeons, seamen 
and all others. By the statement of the Secretary 
of the Navy, it appears, that tlie pay and all other 
expenses of a 74 in actual service, amount to 
189,740 dollars per annum: of a 44, to 134,210, 
and of a sloop of war or corvette, from 22 to 59,162 
dollars. 

By these data it will he easy to calculate the 
whole value of the navy which the United States 
have now in service- — what it would cost to aug- 
ment it — and how much would he the expense in 
time of war, or in actual service. 

For the perfect organization of this navy, it 
might be supposed, that a Secretary would be cho- 
sen from among the principal commanders; but it 
is quite the reverse: there never was a professional 
Secretary of the Navy, daring the ten years that 1 
resided in that country, and as I have heard, expe- 
rience shows that it is not expedient to have profes- 
sional ministers of marine, if it is desired to keep 
the marine iu order; for the esprit du corps whicli 
always governs them, is opposed to all reformations 
and ameliorations that are at variance with old 
practices. The first Secretary of the navy whom 
I knew, was a gentleman of probity: the second, 
was a captain in the merchant service, and the pre- 
sent one is a judge, well known for his integrity 



94 



and learning. There is, however, a commission 
composed of three commodores of the greatest abi- 
lity and reputation, for the direction of every thing 
that relates to the navy: they make the contracts 
for timber and other requisites for ship building; 
they recommend to the Secretary the inspectors, 
whose duty it is to attend to the building of vessels, 
the promotion of officers, and such ordinances as 
the good of the service requires; and the Secreta- 
ry, with perfect impartiality, recommends to the 
President, who gives his sanction. To this board 
of commissioners, and to its extraordinary organi- 
zation, the navy owes its present brilliant standing. 
In the English service, it is alike unusual to have 
a professional man at the head of the marine. 



J^ational Revenue. 

The first branch of the revenue of the United 
States is the product of the Customs, which con- 
sists of the duties upon foreign importations, and 
the tonnage duty. This revenue amounted in the 
year 1815, to 37,695,625 dollars; but this was 
more than it had ever before produced. In 1814, 
it yielded only 4,415,382 dollars, and at present, 
its product may be estimated at about ten or twelve 
millions at most. Another branch of great impor- 
tance, is that of publick lands in the States and Ter- 



95 



ritories of the Union, which are at the disposal of 
the federal government. By a calculation made iu 
1808, by the Secretary of the Treasury, in his 
expose on the resources of the country, it appeared 
that, without including Louisiana, the federal go- 
vernment at that time had one hundred millions of 
acres (the acre contains 43,560 square feet) capa- 
ble of cultivation, north of the river Ohio, and fifty 
millions south of the State of Tennessee. In Lou- 
isiana, whose extent is nearly equal to all the rest 
of the United States, the government holds an im- 
mense quantity of lands, and east and west of the 
Mississippi, there are not less than one hundred 
millions of acres at its disposal. The Floridas, 
and all the territories claimed from Spain as be- 
longing to Louisiana, will give a very considerable 
addition to this immense fund of publick lands. 
The government has charge of the whole, and may 
dispose of them according to the exigencies of the 
Republick; it has authority to sell them to the na- 
tives of the country, and to foreigners who settle in 
it with the intention of acquiring the right of citi- 
zenship: it has sold some, and is by little and lit- 
tle disposing of them as it finds it expedient and 
proper. The object in selling them only in small 
parcels, is to stimulate purchasers and obtain a bet- 
ter price. If we take the average of what the sales 
have hitherto produced, we may estimate the actual 
value of these lands at the rate of two dollars per 



96 



acre, and making this calculation for the whole of 
the lands now at the disposal of the government, 
we shall find that the value will not be less than 
one thousand millions of dollars. The amount 
will be still greater hereafter, for in proportion as 
population and cultivation extend, the lands will 
acquire greater value, and there will be a greater 
number of purchasers. 

Thus it appears, that the Anglo American go- 
vernment, in the acquisition of territory, has for its 
object not only an extension of the limits of the 
country, already too great, and the preparing by 
this means for the dominion of the whole of the 
New World to which it aspires, but also that of 
laying up an immense fund of wealth and resources, 
in lands that are yet wild and uninhabited, the 
sales of which will be at its disposal. Louisiana 
was purcliased for 60 millions of francs, (12 mil- 
lions of dollars) and if they should acquire the 
Floridas in compensation for losses and injuries 
sustained by the citizens of the United States, as 
was stipulated in the late treaty, taking upon them- 
selves indemnification for the same to the amount 
of Hxe millions of dollars, the result will be, that 
the three provinces mentioned will have cost them 
no more than a disbursement of 17 millions of dol- 
lars; — though, in reality, Spain will have derived 
an advantage of 15 millions from the Floridas, for 
her debts to the United Slates amount at the least 



97 



to that sum, and 8 millions for which France must 
be responsible to Spain for the injuries caused by 
the French, as is also stipulated in the same trea- 
ty; amounting in all to 23 millions.^ 

To these two great branches of publick reve- 
nue in the United States, must be added that of 
the duties which every inventor, or discoverer of 
a machine, or any useful invention, has to pay 
when he requires from the government an exclu- 
sive patent, for using or disposing of his invention 
or discovery for the term of ten years. If the pa- 
tent is granted, he is obliged to pay thirty dollars. 
The years 1812 and 1814 were those in which 
this small branch of revenue produced the largest 
sum: in the former it amounted to 6,660 dollars^ 
and in the latter to 6,090. Lastly, must be added 
the revenue from the mail, which is an establish- 



* This reasoning of the Minister, sophistical as it is, 
no doubt had considerable weight with the Spanish Cortes; 
and if M. de Onis was enabled to persuade them, that Spain 
would gain 23 millions of dollars by the cession of the Flo- 
ridas to the United States, he deserves immortal credit for 
his ingenuity. That France would ever pay them any por- 
tion of the sum at which they valued the ceded territory, 
never could have entered the imagination of so astute a poli- 
tician as Don Onis: it is difficult to conceive, therefore, why 
he should have been so anxious to obtain the ratification of 
his treaty, if the suspicions entertained of his predilection 
for the American Republick were not true. T. 
18 



98 



liieiit of the government: the largest sum it has pro= 
(lucedj namely 135^000 dollars^ was in the year 
1815. 

The Banks also contribute something to the 
national treasury, when the government sanctions 
their institution; it then stipulates with them to 
pay a bonus for the protection which it affords 
them, but this contribution is temporary and de- 
terminate. That which was instituted in 1816, 
under the title of the Bank of the United States^ 
or National Bank, was obliged to pay to the go- 
vernment a bonus of a million and a half of dollars, 
although the government took seven millions of 
the stock, in the name of the United States, upon 
Avhich it was to receive the dividends. In time of 
Avar, or in great publick emergencies. Congress im- 
poses a direct tax upon all tlie States, and besides 
this, if necessity requires it, it imposes a tax upon 
every article of luxury, and even upon many which 
are not articles of luxury, as was the case in the 
late war against Great Britain. They arc in the 
habit also of authorizing the President to create 
a paper money, or treasury notes, and to solicit 
loans, appropriating frsuds for tlieir extinction, sti- 
pulating tlie time and places of payment, and the 
annual interest to the lenders, until the debt is 
redeemed. 

Assistance was obtained from all these re- 
v«§ources during the late Avar; and although they 



99 

did not equal tlie hi-h expectations of the govern- 
ment, they nevertheless prodaced very considerable 
sums, for the voluntary loans on interest produced 
alone in tJie year 1813, the sum of 20,089,635 dol- 
lars— in 1814, 15,030,546 dollars— and in 1815, 
20,406,897. A part of these loans was realized 
to anticipate the produce of the direct tax, and to 
enable the government promptly to meet the puh- 
hck exigencies, and fulfil its engagements. 

When we examine the branches of which the 
ordinary revenue of the United States consists, and 
theu' annual product, it seems to be matter of asto- 
mshment, that this product should be more than 
sufficient to cover all the publick expenditures, and 
leave a considerable surplus every year in the trea- 
sury, notwithstanding all tlie functionaries and offi- 
cers of the republick enjoy considerable salaries, 
and are paid with the greatest punctuality. But 
this astonisliment will cease, if we observe the sim- 
plicity, goqd order, and exactitude, which prevail 
in the plan of the revenue of the United States. 
Its collection in all the States costs less, I will be 
bold to say, than that of the revenues of the Spa- 
nish crown in a single province: the duty is assign- 
ed to few officers, but these are of known integrity, 
and respectability of character. The plan is^'per- 
fectly simple, and is accomplished in all its parts 
with inviolable regularity, and punctual perfor- 
mance. The expenses of the publick service^ are 



100 



as follow: the salary of the President is 25,000 
dollars per annum; that of the Vice President, five 
thousand; of the Secretary of State, six thousand; 
and of the Secretaries of the Treasury, War and 
Navy, the same. All the officers, clerks and mes- 
sengers of the State Department, cost no more than 
12,096 dollars a year. In the whole department 
of the Treasury and its branches, including the sa- 
lary of the minister and his clerks, the annual ex- 
pense is no more than 112,06^ dollars. The War 
Department, with all its offices, clerks, accomptants, 
messengers, dependents, &c. costs annually 83,875 
dollars. The Navy Department, with all that be- 
longs to it, costs 45,330; and the Post Office esta- 
blishment, with all its clerks and dependents, 
34,595 — total 322,925 dollars. The Senators, 
with their Secretary, officers and clerks, 10,150 — 
the House of llepresentatives 16,600 dollars.* 
All the tribunals of justice, magistrates, judges, 
attornies and dependents, paid by the general go- 



■^ The author has made an enormous mistake in the ex- 
penses of Congress, into which he was, perhaps, led, by the 
never ending cry of that body for economy, Don Onis, no 
doubt, thought it impossible, that these servants of the pub- 
lick, with the charge of extravagance continually in their 
mouths against all other publick functionaries, should them- 
selves receive a compensation, amounting to considerably 
more than half the sum which he has stated as the annual 
expense of our government. T. 



101 



vernment in all the territories and States of the 
Union, by a calculation nearly approaching the 
truth, do not cost more than 90,000 dollars a year. 
The government pays only those in actual service; 
it gives neither pensions nor sinecures; the expense, 
therefore, is increased or diminished, in proportion 
to the number of persons employed. Foreign mi- 
nisters receive a salary of 9,000 dollars a year, 
and 9,000 outfit, which amounts to 18,000 dollars 
for the first year, and as they are in general fre- 
quently changed, and moved from place to place, 
according to the favour they enjoy, it follows that 
the extraordinary expenses are very great. The 
Secretaries of Legation have 2,000 or 2,500 dol- 
lars a year: the consuls have no salary, Mith the 
exception of those in the regencies of Africa. 
Notwithstanding this, in the year 1816, the whole 
of those employed, did not cost more than 92,332 
dollars. The Mint, and all employed in it, cost 
12,735 dollars per annum. So that the publick ex- 
penses, the civil list and judiciary, the foreign de- 
partment, together with what is paid to the gover- 
nors of territories, and allowing a large sum for 
incidental or extraordinary expenses, do not amount 
to 700,000 dollars a year. 

The Army and Navy are the two objects of 
greatest expense to the government, but in time of 
peace the first consists only of ten thousand men, 
commanded by two major generals and four briga- 



loa 



diers; and the navy is dismantled^ except a few 
vessels in commission— so that, even in these two 
branches, which cost most to the national treasury, 
the expenses become very much reduced. The 
great art of the government is always to apportion 
the amount of its expenses to that of its certain 
revenue, and to save something from the product 
of the latter, every year. Notwithstanding this 
prudent conduct, however, their immense engage- 
ments during the war of the revolution; the dis- 
bursements for the purchase of Louisiana, and va- 
rious Indian frontier territories, and the expenses 
of the late war with Great Britain, have formed a 
national debt, which presses but too heavily upon 
the government of the Union. On the 1st of Janu- 
ary, 1818, it amounted to 116,490,582 dollars, 
notwithstanding the periodical redemption and ex- 
tinction of large sums. But the general govern- 
ment has appropriated the publick lands for the 
payment and extinction of this debt, and some 
other resources, under the management of a special 
commission, which proceeds with the greatest ac- 
tivity and exactitude in the discharge of this im- 
portant duty; and it is probable, that within a few 
years the wliole debt will be redeemed and ex- 
tinguished, if the United States continue at peace 
with all nations, or if some unfortuate event should 
not disturb the present order of things in that coun- 
try. 



103 



The view whicli the United States present, 
in this and many other respects, is doubtless glori- 
ous and admirable: the progress Which they have 
made in only forty years of existence; the rapid 
increase of their population, their wealth, their 
physical strength, and their resources, all appear 
great, if we compare the short period in which they 
have acquired this power and splendour, with the 
series of ages which it has required for other na- 
tions to raise themselves to a flourishing and re- 
spectable state. But the people of the United 
States are not, in reality, a new pe<>ple: they are 
a mixture of people, who have emigrated from the 
most civilized nations of Europe, and who have 
carried with them to that country, all the light antl 
knowledge which these nations have been many 
ages in acquiring. The extraordinary events which 
have disturbed and afflicted all Europe, and the 
subsequent convulsions in Spanish America, have 
given to them that wealth, and power, and gran- 
deur of attitude, of which they now boast. 

This people, however, do not appear capable 
of raising themselves to that colossal greatness to 
which they aspire, nor to any solid and lasting 
glory. A compound of individuals of various na- 
tions, they have no true national character, and 
devoted to commerce and speculation, interest is 
their idol. They carried with them to the deserts 
of North xlmerica, the corruption and the vices of 



104 



the most degenerate people in Europe;* and this 
corruption and these vices have met with no bar- 
riers in a country where all are free, and where 
luxunj and an insatiable thirst of gold are the pre- 
dominant passions: extreme egotism^ avarice^ and 
other sordid passions^ distinguish the character of 
the Americans.-\ Their manners, in general, re- 
semble those of the English, tliough they are al- 
ways accompanied with a certain rusticity, and a 
provoking arrogance that particularize them. The 
inhabitants of the United States are descended for 

* Let the reader compare this with what the author has 
said on the foregoing page, and he will discover a direct 
contradiction — There, he says, they brought with them " all 
the light and knowledge" of " the most civilized nations of 
Europe''! T. 

t It was to be expected, after the " glorious and admi- 
rable" view, which this extraordinary writer had just given 
of the present state and future prospects of the people of 
the United States, that he would turn the canvass, and exhibit 
the reverse of the picture. Such is the plan of his memoir, 
from beginning to end; and such a plan was essential to the 
attainment of the object for which he wrote it. It was ne- 
cessary to give all due weight to the power and resources 
of the United States, in order to show the little prospect 
there was of his being able to bully them into a more ad- 
vantageous treaty; and it was equally necessary to express, 
his contempt for the people, in order to prove that he was 
not influenced by fear or respect, to yield to all their de- 
mands. T. ^ 



105 



the most part from English families,^ and al- 
though a multitude of individuals from other na- 
tions are incorporated in their population, the an- 
glomania is always prevalent. The institutions 
of the country, copied chiefly from those of Eng- 
land; the same laws for the administration of jus- 
tice in civil and criminal cases; the same language, 
the same enthusiasm for commerce, and the same 
spirit of domination and pride, render the two peo- 
ple very similar. The Anglo-American looks up- 
on every nation with disdain or contempt, admir- 
ing the English only, and making it a glory to 
draw his origin from her.f^But their situation 
at the head of the New World, without rivals to 
impede or restrain their march; an immense and 
varied surface of territory; their rapid and asto- 
nishing progress in population, the arts and indus- 



^He has just before said, that the people of the United 
Stat^ brought with them to America the corruption and 
vices 0/ the most degenerate nation in Europe: whether he 
meant to give England this enviable preeminence, by stat- 
ing so immediately afterwards, that they are for the most 
part from that country, his English Revieivers may inquire. 

T. 

t This is better and better. How will the Don recon- 
cile this character of the American people, or the Anglo- 
Americans, as he is pleased to style them, with his down- 
right assertion, that they went to war with England, to 
please JVapoleon? — T. ^ 

14 



106 



try; the brilliant series of their prosperity; the 
powerful success of their arms in the late war 
against Great Britain; and the respect which they 
fancy they have inspired in the principal powers 
of Europe^ have raised their vanity to an extreme^ 
of which it is scarcely possible to form an idea. 
They consider themselves superiour to the rest of 
mankind, and look upon their Republick as the 
only establishment upon earth, founded upon a 
grand and solid basis^ embellished by wisdom^ 
and destined one day to become the most sublime 
colossus of human power, and the wonder of the 
universe. It is not only in the mouths of enthusi- 
asts, or demagogues, who seek to inflame the ima- 
ginations of the mob with seductive and exalted 
ideas, that this language is heard; it resounds from 
every side. The works of all the Anglo-Ameri- 
can writers, are strewed with these haughty senti- 
ments, these brilliant predictions, suggested by an 
overvveaning vanity. Their publick monuments 
attest the excess of this pride and ostentatious con- 
fidence. XThe house in which the Congress hold 
their sessions, they call the Capitol: a little rivulet 
near it, about tliree yards wide and a fourth deep, 
they denominate the Tiber. )j Many of the meanest 
settlements, have the names of the most celebrated 
cities of Greece and Rome.* Every thing breathes 

* Paris, London, Madrid, and even Rome itself, were 
iu their origin perhaps as inconsiderable and mean, as the 



lo: 



extreme affectation and vanity in the United Btatcs; 
but the sensible man^ who examines things with 
impartiality and profound reflexion, cannot but 
foresee the ruin of these States, in the blind im- 
petuosity of their ambition, and the excess of their 
pride. The very Constitution, in which they glo- 
ry, involves the elements of their discord and dis- 
solution. A federative Republick, where the in- 
terests of the States are at variance with each 
other, and where the passions and vices carry every 
thing before them, would be a singular phenomenon 
in the history of human establishments, if it should 
endure long. The States of the South are de- 
pendant for nothing upon those of the North: their 
interests, and even the feelings and customs of the 
inhabitants, are different. Those of the East are, 
as it were, insulated from both; and it is New Or- 
leans only, and the regions of the Mississippi, that 
offer a brilliant and flattering prospect to their trade 
and speculations. These States and all those that 
at present exist, or that may hereafter be formed, 
in the vast regions of the Mississippi and the Mis- 
souri and along their waters, will of necessity 
break the chain which unites them to the federa- 
tion; for their relations and their interests will not 



new villages in our country that bear high sounding names. 
It is not the name that makes the city important or ridicu- 
lous. T. 



108 



then depend, nor do they now depend, upon the 
Atlantic States^ and the immense distance which 
separates them, will stimulate tlieir inhabitants to 
the division. 

The federal government appears to be in- 
satiable in the acquisition of territory: it has ne- 
ver ceased more and more to extend the limits of 
the country, and every day to enlarge them with 
new acquisitions; but it does not reflect, that in 
the wide extent which it has given, and goes on 
to give, to the countries of the Republick, it is sow- 
ing the seed of its future political dissolution. The 
Anglo-Americans have heretofore been fortunate, 
for the Republick has yet experienced none of the 
torments which are accustomed to spring up in 
every country, in which a popular government pre- 
vails. Their population, scattered over an im- 
mense territory, in small cities, (for with the ex- 
ception of Philadelphia, New York, Baltimore, 
Boston and Charleston, there is not one that de- 
serves even the name of town,) and at insulated 
points, very distant from each other, there has been 
no possibility yet of conflicting shocks; but from 
the moment this population is increased, united, 
and formed into a large and compact mass, com- 
motions and convulsions will be inevitable. The 
federal or general government has not suflBcient 
strength to prevent or dispel this crisis, nor to hin- 
der its ominous results. The executive poAver is 



109 



feadly combined with the legislative and judi. 
cial: it wants the most indispensable facnlties 
for causing obedience to the laws, and maintainino- 
good order in the country; and it has power and 
existence only by the continual exertion of an astute 
and seductive policy, whose object is to blind the 
people with flattering and false appearances, to in- 
trigue m elections, and to gain a preponderant party 
m the legislative body. It has no other effectual 
means of succeeding but by corruption in the elec- 
tions, and bribing those representatives who have 
most influence and most power in congress, with 
posts and places that are at its disposal. The peo 
pie are acquainted with these abuses, and declaim 
against them. The gazettes and periodical papers 
throughout the Union, abound in vehement decla- 
mations upon this particular. The democrats and 
federalists carry on a war with the pen, clamorous 
m the extreme: each party pleads in behalf of those 
whom It wishes to raise to power, and abuses their 
antagonists; but the executive power, and the legis- 
lative body, pursue their unalterable course, and, 
are either insensible to the clamours of the publick 
papers, or despise them* Tli eyareaH accustom- 

* Whether the author intended it or not, he has certain- 
Jr paid here a high compliment to the conscious rectitude 
and strength of the American sovernment It keeps the 
"eventenour of its way," i„ full confidence, that, however 
gazettes and demagogues may declaim and rail, there is a 
saving virtue in the people to secure the stability of tbe 



110 



ed to hear these declamations, and even the most 
vigorous and authentick accusations, but nothing 
makes an impression upon them. Tlie liberty and 
well beins; of the state, then, are in the hands of 
congress, for the Constitution has clothed them with 
great power, and has entrusted to them the direc- 
tion and the destinies of the Republick: but intrigue 
and factions have prevailed in it for years past. 
The Executive power began to enslave it, if I may 
so speak, from the first years of the presidency of 
Madison; and if this influence continues to increase, 
the meetings of congress must necessarily become 
a mere formality. The Executive will seize the 
sceptre, and the confederation will go to ruin: some 
States will submit to the person who has the great- 
est influence, and others will separate from the Union, 
and constitute themselves under a different system. 
Such are the effects which, in the natural or- 
der of things, the conflict, or badly organized 
union, of these two powers, mil one day produce. 
The judiciary enjoys an entire independence; but 
it has not, nor can it have, any influence upon the 
publick destinies of the confederation. Limited to 
the administration of civil and criminal justice, it 
decides according to the laws and established forms 
of the country; and often by the dictum of the 
judges, for the Anglo-American legislation is the 
most informal, the most vague, and the most vici- 
ous, of which I have any knowledge. It consists 
of all the old farrago of the English laws, and the 



Ill 



successive accumulation of acts and general orders 
of Congress: to this chaos is added an immense 
multitude of commentators^ casuists and writers of 
jurisprudence, who open a field of infinite extent 
for the opinions and subtilties of the dialectician 
and forensick metaphysician. The judges pro- 
nounce arbitrarily, and it is very common to see 
one decide for, and another against, in the same 
case, and under circumstances perfectly equal. 

Besides the general laws of the Union, there 
are particular laws in each state, made by its re- 
spective legislature; and hence it results, that what 
is a capital crime in one state, is not so in another, 
and that a debtor, who has no means of paying his 
debts, is free in some states, and sent to prison in 
others. This difference favours the frauds of the 
corrupt, and affords impunity to crimes, and triumph 
to collusion and swindling. Under such a legisla- 
tion, imposition must become an art, and in fact 
there is no country in the world, where there is so 
much of it. The lawyers convert the forum into 
a hall of ostentatious declamation and refined so- 
phistry: they support the j?ro and the con with 
equal serenity, and always find in the laws some 
text or other in their favour.* It may be said, 

* We wonder y if the author ever saw a country, in which 
the lawyers did not support the pro and the con with " equal 
serenity," or a code of laws, in which, if the gentlemen had 
skill and ingenuitj^ they would not fiad " some text or other 
in their favour." T. 



lis 

that no art lias made such progress in the United 
States as the art of pleading, orforensick intrigue: 
it affords considerahle fortunes to those who follow 
it; and it rarely happens that the lawyer does not 
accumulate wealth, or acquire a brilliant establish- 
ji^ent — their number consequently is immense. In 
a single city in the United States, no doubt more 
lawyers would be found, than in a whole province, 
or perhaps a whole kingdom, of Europe. 

In a country where the people are moderate 
and enlightened, and where the laws are simple, 
dear and definite, the institution of trial by jury is 
in its nature excellent, but it is of little use in the 
United States; for not being yet in that condition, 
the judge there has always too much influence on 
the jury, and even sometimes dictates to them, how 
they should decide in the case before them. In 
criminal cases, the proceeding is generally conduct- 
ed with great humanity, or with great indulgence; 
and the repugnance to inflict capital punishment is 
so great, that I have been present at trials of the 
most horrible cases, even for assassinations well 
proved, where the delinquent has escaped, under 
the pretext of some informality in the process. In 
cases of this nature, the law has no modification of 
punishment, and the culprit must either be acquit- 
ted or condemned: an informality in the process 
prevents his being condemned, and he is conse- 
quently acquitted. There is a case well known 
throughout the Union, of a rich Jew at Norfolk 



113 



having a few years ago publickly assassinated aa 
honorable merchant of that city, and being permit- 
ted to go at large, on the very spot where the assas- 
sination was committed, saved from the gallows by 
this means. With regard to civil cases, the pas- 
sions meet in conflict as every where else, and in- 
trigue exercises all its power* In suits instituted by 
foreigners against Anglo American citizens, the ju- 
ries very seldom decide against their countrymen, 
for patriotism will not always suffer them to fulfil 
the strict duties of equity, particularly where it 
opposes the predominant policy, which is to let no 
money go out of the country. The laws furnish 
subterfuges to elude the most clear and tenable ac- 
tions, and the judges generally lean to the interest 
of the country, even when they are conscious it 
wants both reason and justice. 

Law suits are interminable, when the lawyers 
unite for that purpose; and they act with absolute 
in(]ependence, in the direction and prosecution of 
suits, almost always without consulting the parties, 
and without asking any information or instruction 
from them, after they have taken upon themselves 
the prosecution or defence, and received the docu- 
ments and papers upon which either is founded. 
They make the parties pay exorbitant fees, and 
almost always in advance. 

1 might here enumerate other vices and abuses 
of judicial proceedings in the United States, all 
15 



114 



emanating from the defect of the laws, and the ar- 
bitrariness of the judges, as well as from the tor- 
tuous course which the lawyers are permitted freely 
to pursue. I will merely remark, that in no coun- 
try in the world, is there so much use made of oaths 
in tribunals, or where perjury is less common. But 
the only punishment that results from the proof of 
a witness, or either of the parties (for both must 
establish their action by oath) having committed 
perjury, is that his testimony produces no effect.* 
In criminal suits, it is necesary that tlie crime 
should be completely and superabundantli/ proved, 



* Don Luis de Onis, in this, shows himself either more 
ignorant of the laws of our country than, from his situation, 
might have been expected, or designedly guilty of misrepre- 
sentation. From his avowed attendance upon our courts, it 
is not probable he could have been ignorant, that perjury was 
a capital offence; but his feelings and prejudices, in the 
trials for jnracy (as he is pleased to term it,) which took place 
at Baltimore, and to which he subsequently alludes, led him 
to regard every witness as perjured, whose testimony v/ent 
to acquit the South American patriots, who were the accusecf. 
Ifthe judges and juries of Baltimore have no greater fault 
to answer for on the great day of account, than their acquit- 
tal of those who were arraigned on that charge, they may 
sleep for ever without feeling a single sting of conscience. 
No evidence could be more explicit, no pleadings could be 
freer from sophistry, no law could be less susceptible of ca- 
vil, than those under and by which, the trials alluded to re- 
sulted in the acquittal of the accused. T, 



115 



before the penalty of the law can be imposed: if 
the proof is not complete and superabundant^ the 
accused escapes, (as 1 have before said) without 
having any arbitrary penalty inflicted on him. If 
an individual is prosecuted in an action for a defi- 
nite crime, and the guilt is not completely establish- 
ed, but legal proof comes out in the course of the 
trial, that the accused has committed some still 
greater crime, he is acquitted, and suffered to es- 
cape, because the action was not brought aginst that 
particular offence. The object of legislation being 
to prevent the perpetration of crimes, by giving a 
terrible warning and example to the publick, in the 
punishment of delinquents, and to administer jus- 
tice with rigorous exactitude, to afford triumph to 
truth, and to dispel the falsehoods, frauds, and so- 
phistries that obscure it, it appears that the laws of 
the United States do not completely fulfil this ob- 
ject; at least, the practice of the tribunals manifests 
the contrary. I must further add, that the Presi- 
dent, in all the States, and the governors, in their 
respective States, have the power of pardoning ca- 
pital offences, giving absolute impunity to tlie cul- 
prits, as if they were perfectly innocent, from a ge- 
nerosity, in my opinion, badly understood. 

What I have said will suffice to give a com- 
prehensive idea of the legislation and forensick sys- 
tem of the Anglo-Americans, and of the faculties 
and conduct of the judiciary in their republick, to 



116 



which it may be added, that they are not exempt^ 
from the influence of the Executive, nor of the peo- 
ple, as experience has shown, by their partiality in 
the causes of piracy brought before the tribunals 
and juries of Baltimore; a thing which no unpre- 
judiced Anglo-American will dare to contradict, if 
he really entertains a love for his country. I will 
conclude this part of my subject by remarking, that 
although the judiciary, from the confusion of the 
laws and the prevailing vices of forensick practice, 
do not prevent the evils for which their institution 
is designed, they act in a separate sphere, neither 
dependent upon, nor hokling any intercourse with, 
the other two powers. This branch, therefore, can 
have no part or influence, as I have said, in the 
struggle or conflict which exists between them, from 
the very nature of the constitution, and which must 
every day become more and more general, in pro- 
portion to the progress of corruption in manners, 
and the height to which ambition and other power- 
ful passions are carried in a young country. 

The people are generally well instructed in all 
the principal points that concern iheir interests, in 
the progress o£ ithe government, and in many of the 
dangers to which the Republick is exposed. The 
periodical papers and gazettes which inundate the 
country, show all this to the publick, well or ill, ac- 
cording to the views of the editors, or according to 
the party, or passions tbey espouse. The govern- 



117 



Vieut also lias its pensioned editors, who support 
and eulogize its conduct. Every body reads the 
publick papers in that country, and there is scarce- 
ly an individual in a thousand, who does not know 
how to read and write; and even in the most mise- 
rable hamlets^ in the cottages, and in the woods, the 
gazettes are received and read. The carman and 
the most rustick peasant, the mariner, the artisan, 
the labourer, all, all are informed of the state of 
publick affairs, and all talk politicks;* but their 
ideas are always superficial, and the result, as is 
natural, is that they are led away by the dema- 
gogue who happens to have most eloquence and 
most popularity. 

The two parties which have had the strongest 
conflict in the Republick, are the democrats and the 
federalists: the first is composed of what is every 
where called the vulgar ^ and the second of men of 
standing and wealth, distinguished not only for 
their fortunes, but also for their education and the 
splendour in which they live. Both parties aspire 



* And yet the author predicts tlie ruin of such a country 
and such a people ! No. While the artisan and the labour- 
er, the mariner and the peasant, all, are instructed in pub- 
lick aft'airs; while thej can all read the gazettes and think for 
themselves, demagogues may declaim, foreigners may write 
and predict its dissolution, but the RepuHick will still hold 
its "stand upon the adamantine rock of human rights." T. 



118 



to posts of authority in the Republick, and this is 
the principal object of their emulation and fortune. 
The democrats wish for the establishment of an 
Agrarian law, an equality of fortunes^ and an abso- 
lute confusion of classes; but not being able to ac- 
complish it to the extent of their wishes, they make 
the greatest efforts to occupy the places of highest 
honour and profit; and as they embrace the multitude 
in their number, they carry every thing before them 
in elections, when the federalists do not exert all 
their influence and power, to prevent, or neutralize 
at least, the frenzy of the popular party, and re- 
strain their unbounded excess and corruption. The 
system of the federalists consists in giving tlie prin- 
cipal posts and authority to meritorious persons, 
and such as enjoy estates and considerable fortunes, 
distinguished for their character and talents — cir- 
cumstances which are seldom found united except 
in those of their party: hence, then, proceeds the 
origin of their opposition to the democrats, who la- 
bour to concenter every thing in adventurers and 
those who belong to their faction; and since the 
elevation of Jefferson to the Presidency, their tri- 
umph has been complete, and it continues with lit- 
tle difference under the present President, for the 
federalists have shown themselves passive or indif- 
ferent, abandoning themselves to a sort of apathy, 



119 



ominous without doubt to the prosperity of the Re- 
publick.* 

When the Presidents are of the democratick 
party, they distribute offices only among their own 
party, and leave nothing undone to please the po- 
pulace, and obtain the favour of the multitude: they 
thus manage to keep themselves for a long time at 
the head of the nation, and to be reelected a second 
time — that is to say, for eight years, as has already 
been the case with all the Presidents, with the ex- 
ception of the second, Mr. Adams, over whom de- 
mocracy triumphed, giving him a successor at the 
end of the first four years. The present President^ 



* It is not possible, that the author can here be giving the 
result of his own observations: there is too much in it of the s/aw^ 
of party, to have come from one who felt no party attachments. 
There seems to be a strange and unaccountable sjmpathjj 
existing between all foreigners, of a certain clasSy and that 
party, to which Don Onis assigns all the respectability and 
talents of the country. No intimacies are formed, while 
such foreigners remain in the country, but with them — no 
familiar intercourse, by which alone they could judge of the 
characters of men, subsists but with them; hence it is, that 
they find estates, character, and talents so " seldom united, 
except among the federalists." No foreigner, unprompted, 
could think of denominating nineteen twentieths of any peo- 
ple, a political faction, and that is about the proportion be- 
tween the two parties, of which he speaks, in the United 
States. But such ridiculous absurdities scarcely deserve no- 
tice. T. 



120 



Moiivoej altliough of the democratick party, is a 
man extremely moderate, sagacious and enlightened: 
he has endeavoured to unite the two parties, and 
has succeeded to a certain degree; but they are now 
beginning to form two other parties, denominated 
of the North and South; and as the latter will have 
the preponderance in Congress within a few years, 
a division of the Union into two or more republicks 
will be the inevitable result. It is probable, that in 
the next election Monroe w ill be confirmed in the 
Presidency for another four years. 



Political system, and relations of the United States 
tvith the different powers of the Globe, 

The United States had scarcely seen their in- 
dependence acknowledged, tranquillity and good or- 
der established in their Republick, and tlie place set- 
tled which they were to hold among independent 
powers, when they formed the ostentatious project 
of driving from the continent of America the nations 
that held possessions on it, and of uniting under 
their dominion, by federation or conquest, the whole 
of the colonies. As a preparation to realize this 
gigantick plan, the United States began by procur- 
ing a geographical and statistical survey of the 
whole continent, and islands which they coveted. 
They sent emissaries every where, and even mill- 



ISI 



tary expeditious, under the orders of well informed 
and experienced chiefs, to explore the internal pro- 
vinces of Mexico, and the islands of Porto Rico and 
Cuba; they procured correct maps of those do- 
minions of Spain; made themselves acquainted 
with the soil, climate and productions; formed 
connexions with their inhabitants, and endeavour- 
ed to scatter among them the seeds of indepen- 
dence, proclaiming that the happiness they en- 
joyed in their Republick was due to their wise Con-^ 
stitution. The travels of captains Pike, Lewis and 
Clark, through the interior provinces of New Spain, 
had this object; and they furnished exact maps of 
that country, and information till then unknown 
even among ourselves, as well upon the advantages 
which might be derived from a commerce with those 
countries, as upon their climate, number of inhabi- 
tants and Indians that peopled them, troops that 
garrisoned them, and passes badly defended or ne- 
glected, through which entrance might be gained 
with facility into the kingdom of Mexico. The 
Spanish commandants in the interior provinces, in- 
stead of opposing these incursions, which they 
ought to have regarded as hostile, permitted them, 
whether from fear of committing the nation with the 
United States, or because they believed that they 
were not of much consequence. But let the object 
have been what it might, of this there is no doubt, 
that the Anglo-Americans, encoura^^ed by this proof 
16 



1^2 



(if our weakness, became every day more daring, 
and had scarcely taken possession of Louisiana^ 
when they demanded as a part of it, the territory be- 
tween the river Mermenta and the Sabine, of which 
possession had not been given at its delivery. Our 
commandants of Tehas, without force to defend this 
territory, made a convention with the United States, 
in which it was stipulated that the whole of the 
country should remain neutral and unoccupied by 
cither power; and although our government did 
hot sanction this convention, it appears from the 
fact of their not having afterwards occupied the 
country, that they tacitly acknowledged it. I will 
not stop to enumerate here the infinite prejudices 
which we have sustained from this, since it is no- 
torious tliat it is in that country, all the armaments 
have been fitted out that have invaded the kingdom 
of Mexico: I will merely remark, that this confir- 
mation of our V, eakness discovered to the United 
States, tliat they might, without risk, attempt to 
unite to their territory, those possessions of the mo- 
narchy which most flattered their wishes. 

The revolution in Spain, and our struggle 
with the usurper of the throne, presented them a fa- 
vourable occasion for it, which they did not lose. 
They began by exciting a party at Baton Rouge 
against the authorities of the king: they persuaded 
them to declare their independence, and to solicit 
their aggregation to the Republick; and this Re- 



123 

publick, ready to profit by a revolution which she 
had excited with that view, sent her troops into the 
territory, under the pretext of restoring order, and 
subsequently incorporated it with her dominions 
by act of Congress. 

They employed the same cunning against Ame- 
lia Island, and attempted the same thing against 
Mobile, and the rest of the territories of West Flo- 
rida as far as the river Perdido; but the inhabitants 
not having answered their wishes, the government 
resorted to Congress for authority to take posses- 
sion of those territories by force, should circum- 
stances require it. The President of the United 
States, under the sanction of that authority, ordered 
siege to be laid to Mobile, and general Wilkinson 
took possession of the place without firing a mus- 
ket, for which his prowess was celebrated in mock- 
ery in all the publick papers, comparing Wilkin- 
son to Buonaparte, he having, as they said, con- 
quered the place with gold, instead of using the 
sword. By. virtue of this capture of Mobile, the 
boundaries of the Republick were extended as far 
as the river Perdido, and the President contented 
himself with replying to my protests against this 
aggression, that the territories should remain in the 
power of the United States, as they had been in 
that of Spain, subject to an amicable negotiation^ 
but notwithstanding this, they were immediately 



1S4 



incorporated with the dominions of the Republick^ 
by another act of Congress. 

The same system was in agitation with regard 
to Mexico^ Caraccas^ the Internal provinces, San- 
ta Fe, Buenos Ayres^ Cuba^ and even the Philip- 
pines, and if the effect they promised themselves 
was not produced, still they did not abandon the 
plan of invading these provinces of the Spanish 
monarchy, and weakening and dividing them, to 
the end that they might offer them their protection, 
and unite them to their dominions./y Such is the 
policy of the Republick of the United States as it 
regards themselves, and Spain, which is the near- 
est power, and with which it has relations of the 
greatest interest. We may be firmly persuaded, 
that nothing but the obstacles which were opposed 
on our part, could have made them change their 
system; for that power is not like Spain, Portugal^ 
and many others that travel on almost without a 
system, or under one that is subject to change with 
every change of minister or sovereign. The Unit- 
ed States form their plan with wisdom and mature 
reflection, and pursue it with intrepidity, as does 
England: whoever may be their governors, it is not 
altered one jot; unless certain vicissitudes or trea-t 
ties, by changing their relations and interests, im- 
periously require it. 

Let us now see what is their particular system 
with regard to England. There seems to be no 



193 



room for doubt, that the United States are firmly re- 
solved to get possession of the provinces of Canada, 
New England* and the rest of the islands that 
Great Britain possesses on the continent of Ameri- 
ca.!^ As this cannot be done at once, and it would 
be an absurdity to enter into conflict at present with 
that power, the United States, with the view of gra- 
dually preparing for this conquest, are going on to 
extend themselves by means of purchases, exchang- 
es and negotiations, in the territories of the Indians 
that border upon these provinces; they are garrison- 
ing all the points that can conduce to their defence, 
or furnish support to their attacks; they are daily 
augmenting their navy; organizing their array;J 
fortifying all the points by which their territory 
might be invaded; and, as they know they have no 
engineers sufficiently scientifick for this object, they 

* JYeiv Scotlandy or Nova Scotia, the author probably 
means. T. 

t This is a literal translation from the original, which is, 
y demas islas que posee le Gran Bretana en el continente dc 
America. What the author means, by calling Canada, anil 
New^ England, islands, and by islands on a continent, the rea- 
der must endeavour to find out. T. 

:{:When speaking of the military force of the United 
States, the author said, that the army was badlij organized, 
that they had no idea of modern tactics, that they had learn- 
ed nothing since the war of independence, and that it never 
could be otherwise. It suits his purpose, at present, to take 
a different view of the subject T. 



lao 



have taken into their service general Bernaitl, one 
of Buonaparte's most celebrated officers^ and are 
employing him with the greatest zeal in this affair. 
The acquisition of the Flp|*idas^ will not only round 
off their possessions in the South, but it will enable 
them to establish one of the best arsenals in the bay 
of Tampa, and by means of this establishment 
(which we have either despised or been ignorant of) 
and the forces which they may keep in it, and in 
the port of Pensacola, they will be able, in case of 
war with Great Britain, considerably to obstruct 
their commerce to the islands in the Bahama chan- 
nel, and even to take possession of them, for the 
purpose of going on afterwards in their prepara- 
tions for the conquest of the Antilles.* 

It is not possible that Great Britain can be ig- 
norant of these manoeuvres; but feeling secure in 
her immense strength, she has despised this petty 
power, firmly persuaded that she holds in her hands 
the means of destroying them the moment they at- 
tempt it; and I have no difficulty in believing it to 
a certain extent, for I saw that she might have ac- 
complished it in the late war, if she had felt less con- 
tempt for the Anglo-Americans, and had carried on 
the war with them, with the same circumspection, 
she had used agaiiist Buonaparte. 



*This is really a brilliant scheme, and one which shows 
that the United States are not so petty a power, as the authoi 
calls them a few lines below. T. 



I respect the policy of Great Britain, for I 
know that no Cabinet possesses this science in a 
more eminent degree; but T admire also that of the 
United States, who with a population already in- 
creased to about ten millions of inhabitants, are 
not intimidated by their colossal enemy, but are 
going on to prepare with wise precaution, not only 
to defend themselves against her, but to take ad- 
vantage of every circumstance that may contribute 
to humble her. As with this view, and to take 
from her the sceptre of the ocean to which they 
aspire, they believe that France, and some other 
maritime powers, may render them assistance, they 
omit nothing in their system of policy that can pro- 
pitiate their favour, gratifying them in every thing 
that does not directly oppose their general plan, 
whilst in their character and national pride, they 
have a sovereign contempt for all; and they regard 
England only, which is the power they most hate, 
with some respect, making it all their glory to have 
descended from her.* 

The United States have no direct interests, 
but with the three powers mentioned, Spain, Eng- 
land and France; but their general system embraces 
all, and, however strange it may appear, is direct- 
ed to the excitement of wars and dissentions be- 



*This paragraph of the author possesses the true diplo- 
matick ambiguity — meaning any thing or nothing. T. 



138 



tween them: for as the result of this would be that 
they could carry on no commerce, the Americans 
would transport the merchandize of all the belli- 
gerent powers, and would enjoy, in their destruction 
and dissentions, the brilliant prospect of getting rid 
of their flour and other productions, and even of 
promoting their manufactories, which they know 
cannot enter into competition with those of England, 
while peace subsists in Europe. 

Amidst all this, a greater or less predilection 
for these powers, forms a part of their system, ac- 
cording to the degree of influence which they pos- 
sess in the general affairs of Europe, and tlie great- 
er or less utility or prejudice to be derived from 
them to their commerce. Hence it is, that with 
Denmark, Sweden, Austria, Prussia, Naples, and 
the rest of the petty courts of Germany and Italy, 
with which they have but very trifling commercial 
relations, and from which they have nothing to 
fear, the United States confine themselves to a cor- 
respoudence of civility, and to acquiring from tliem 
all possible preference in their commerce. They 
have some greater consideration f»r Holland, under 
the remote idea that their navy, together with that 
of France, may some day unite with their own 
against England. They regard Russia with dis- 
tinguished courtesy, for the influence which she 
has in all the affairs of Europe, although the com- 
merce they carry on with that power is of little mo- 



1S9 



jnent. Portugal they look upon as a nullity, or ra- 
ther as a eoloiiy of Great Britain, and therefore en- 
deavour to do her all possible evil, by fomenting dis - 
Mentions in her provinces, and by arming privateers 
in their ports under the insurgent flag, for the pur- 
pose of ruining and destroying her commerce. 

With regard to the Port and the Barbary 
powers, the United States have refused to give 
them any donation, and for the purpose of protect- 
ing their commerce, they constantly keep a squad- 
ron in the Mediterranean, which has the double 
object of exercising their sailors, and of being al- 
ways ready to take advantage of circumstances. 

In respect to the revolutionists of America, it 
has already been said, that the United States flat- 
tered themselves that by promoting their independ- 
ence, various republicks might be formed, which, 
but little able to defend themselves against the 
mother country, and maintain their independence 
against other powers that might seek to oppress and 
enslave them, would confederate with them, and 
that thus a single republick might be formed of that 
vast continent, the presidential seat of which, it was 
proposed, should be changed from Washington to 
the isthmus of Panama.* 



* Another brilliant scheme, wliich may, perliaps, so?«e 
centuries hence, occupy the consideration of the American 
cabinet. The whole of tliis chapter upon the policy of the 

17 



130 



Experience has subsequently taught the An- 
glo-Americans, that the Spanish character is the 
same in America as in Europe; that they do not 
readily suffer themselves to be commanded by fo- 
reigners; that the minds of those inhabitants excit- 
ed to rebellion are not accustomed to the republican 
regimen, and that the result of their independence 
will be the continual struggle of the different par- 
ties to obtain the command: they see that in this 
state of things, their favourite plan cannot be ad- 
vanced, and that, on the contrary, England is the 
power, that will derive all the benefit from the re- 
ibels, on account of her brilliant manufactories. 
The discovery of the political crrour they commit- 
ted in encouraging the independence of the revolu- 
tionists of America, has induced them now to con- 
fine themselves to a passive commerce with them, 
with a view to prevent Great Britain's anticipating 
them; but in reality they could experience little in- 
jury from this, for, as they can carry them little or 
nothing which they either have not themselves, or 



United States, and their foreign relations, will serve to show 
the romantick turn of the Minister's genius. He seems to 
liave been well acquainted with the physical strength and 
susceptibilities of the United States, and having reflected 
so long and so enviously upon what it was in their power to 
accomplish, he has at last persuaded himself that the 
schemes were actually in agitation. T. 



131 



cannot procure from England on better terms, they 
generally lose by the trade. For the purpose of 
bringing money into the country for their banks, 
and for their commerce with India, formal compa- 
nies have been established in the City of Baltimore^ 
who are engaged in fitting out pirates under the in- 
surgent flag, which bring to the United States the 
proceeds of their robberies, committed not only 
against Spain and Portugal, but against the vessels 
of all other nations, which destroy the commerce 
of these nations, and which are bringing up a ge- 
neration of monsters and assassins, that it will be 
extremely difficult hereafter to exterminate from the 
seas.^ 

This is the system of polity, which the Unit- 
ed States pursue, in relation to the different powers 
of the globe. From this we may deduce the mea- 
sures which ought to be adopted on our part with 
that Republick, and even with the nations of Eu- 
rope. 1 will not presume to point them out to the 



* This, to use the courtly language of a celebrated En- 
glish diplomatist, is an absolute falsehoods There are not, 
nor have there ever been, " formal companies in the city of 
Baltimore, engaged in fitting out pirates.'* If this had been 
true, the keen eyes of the Minister and his Attornies, would 
have found them out; and though the "judges and juries of 
Baltimore" might have saved them from the gallows, they 
would have been marked by the execration of their fellow- 
citizens. T. 



132 



JieDiities of the Nation, who know better than I 
do the interests of the monarchy, and the resources 
which may be counted upon to carry them into ef- 
fect. 1 will barely observe^ with regard to the 
Americas, that every plan for the paciiication, or 
union of the inhabitants of the two worlds, must 
conciliate the interests of the former, those of the 
mother country, and those of the powers interested 
in supporting independence; and that any system 
which does not unite these three objects, will pro- 
duce no other effect than to disappoint the expecta- 
tions of the nation: and lastly, that a fixed plan 
or system of policy, and of revenue, is indispensa- 
ble to every constituted power; and that from the 
combination of these two systems, founded upon a 
solid and permanent basis, and resting upon the in- 
terest of the State, the result must necessarily be, 
the splendour of the nation, and tJie happiness of 
all the individuals who compose it.* 

I am very far Irom wishing to find fault with 
the system of the United States, however it may 
be founded in extravagant pride, and frequently in 
violation of the laws of nations: the only thing 



* All the author's notions of this fixed system of polity, 
and of revenue, are evidently derived from the United 
States; for they are the only power, by his own confession, 
who do not change their systems with every change of Mi^- 
nister or Soveiei;rn. T. 



133 



which I cannot avoid looking upon with horiwir, 
is the system of piracy organized in the city of 
Baltimore, a thousand times more mischievous than 
that of the Barbary powers.* Nor will I impugn 
the system of those powers which, for particular 
views, have caused injuries to Spain: I know very 
well, that every nation is right in acting according 
to its own interests, and that when the sum of these 
requires a blow or secret injury to those that might 
some day or other prejudice it, there are few that 
have the delicacy to forbear; but this itself demands 
the attention of each nation, that it may oppose the 
designs of those that act so as to injure it; for one 



* 5a^^imore is honoured by the peculiar hatred of the 
Chevalier; and this is easily accounted for: the enterprising 
activity of her citizens, their innate love of freedom and in- 
dependence, and their natural sympathies with the strug- 
gling patriots of South America, induced many of them to 
expatriate themselves, and by becoming citizens ot the in- 
fant republicks, to acquire a legal right to aid them in their 
emancipation from the tyranny of the Madre Fatria. The 
Constitution of the United States recognizes the right of 
every man, to throw oft" his allegiance, when it suits his views 
of happiness, to connect himself with another State; nor 
when this is done, can the United States exercise any fur- 
ther control over his conduct, while he infringes none of 
their laws. The insinuation, therefore, that it iHade a part 
of the system of the United States to protect their citizens 
in the violation of the laws of nations, is false and un- 
founded. T. 



184 



is not less free to defend itself against the strata- 
gems of another, than that other is to practise them. 
I can only blame that power, which, knowing the 
arts that are used to injure it, remains passive, and 
instead of adopting a profound system of policy, by 
which the evils might be turned from itself upon 
the offender, thinks by negotiation, by complaints, 
by a mean and wretched cunning, to overthrow the 
wise measures of the best organized systems of 
policy. 



NEGOTIATION 

WITH 

THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 



The disagreements which gave rise to the ne- 
gotiation with the United States of America, may 
be said to have taken their origin from the treaty of 
amity, limits, and navigation, concluded in 1795. 
This treaty signed by Don Manuel Godoy without 
any geographical knowledge of the countries upon 
which it turned, nor of the mutual interests of the 
two powers, gave to the American territory about 
one degree, in the whole extent of the dividing line 
between the Floridas and the territory of that Repub- 
lick, from East to West, and put into their hands 
the most fertile lands that belonged to the Floridas, 
the most beautiful rivers that flowed from Georgia 
and Mississippi, the important post of Natches, and 
other fortifications that served for our defence of the 
Floridas against the United States. This impoli- 
tick cession, made without any necessity, (for at 
that time Spain might have dictated the law to that 
Republick,*) proved to the United States with how 

* " Tliat time" has never been, since his Britannick ma- 
jesty ceased to call these United States his colouieit, wheii 
Spain could have "dictated the law" to them. Don Pvlan- 
uel Godoy was perfectly aware of this truth. T. 



136 



much facility they might extend themselves into 
the possessions of Spain, and their interest dictated 
to them that they should lose no opportunity that 
presented itself, nor neglect to excite occasions for 
this purpose. 

Another errour was committed in the same 
treaty, namely, the stipulation that the flag should 
protect the property, in whatever war either power 
might be engaged with a third, while the Ameri- 
cans, three or four months afterwards stipulated the 
contrary with Great Britain; the result of which 
was, that the American flag protected English pro- 
perty from capture by us, while ours was captured 
under the same flag, for so had the American cabi- 
net stipulated witli the court of England . Although 
my predecessor the Marquis de Casa Irujo, upon 
giving information to our government of the conclu- 
sion of this treaty with Great Britain, represented 
the necessity of placing both upon an equal footing 
in this point, in order to prevent the injuries that 
might arise to us by this stipulation, in the event of 
a war with England, no provision whatever was 
made; and this has been the origin of our dissen- 
tions, and of the numerous claims of the Americans, 
as well for vessels captured by our cruizers in vio- 
lation of the said article of the treaty, as for those 
captured and brought into our ports by the French. 

The first of these two demands, was com 



137 



pletely sanctioned by the convention of 1802;* but 
the ratification was then suspended, because the 
two governments had not altogether agreed as to 
the second. It does not require much skill to per- 
ceive, that this convention was another absurdity^ 
for never ought Spain, under any circumstances, to 
have considered herself responsible for the indem- 
nification of injuries which the bad faith of the Ame- 
rican government occasioned us, without our having 
a reciprocal guaranty that England would respect 
that flag while it carried our goods. 

As the Spanish government has shown itself 
ready to ratify this convention ever since the year 
1802, provided the subject of injuries caused by 
French cruizers should be reserved for ulterior ne- 
gotiations, the American merchants have made the- 
debt, with 20 years interest, amount at present to 



* The Marquis de Casa Irujo, having seen this Memoir 
before it went to press, said to me as he returned the manu- 
script to my hands: " The Convention of 1802 is a most es- 
sential circumstance in the history of our political relations 
with the United States. You give it all its weight, and pre- 
sent it under its true colours; but it seems to be not less just 
than proper for me, in the situation in which intrigue and 
iniquity have lately placed me, not to omit, in speaking of 
it, the incontestable fact, that I was sent to the United States 
with the royal order to sign it, and that I had the firmness 
not to execute it, having discovered the insidious tendency 
of the stipulation, relative to losses and injuries for which 
the American government claimed indemnification of us.'' 

is 



138 



more than 15 millions of dollars: it was, thereforey 
all important and imperiously necessary for the go- 
vernment of Spain, to get rid at once of this debt, 
to avoid the claims of the American government, 
Avhich were accumulating from day to day, and 
which were so much the more prejudicial as that 
Republick, from the particular circumstances under 
which we were situated, might do justice to herself 
at will, and, under pretext of indemnification, take 
possession of those provinces of the monarchy on 
the continent of America, that would best suit her 
interests. 

Another errour, of great and transcendent im- 
portance, was committed on the part of Spain, in 
the cession to Buonaparte, in the year 1800, of the 
province of Louisiana, in terms so ambiguous, so 
contradictory, and so unusual in diplomatick trans- 
actions, that the frontiers of the province were not 
marked out, nor was the stipulation even thought 
of, that France should not alienate it. Not till two 
years afterwards, and when it was already known 
that Buonaparte had it in contemplation to sell it 
to the United States, was this declaration solicited 
from France, and her ambassador made it by an offi- 
cial communication; but this did not prevent Buo- 
naparte from selling it in 1803 to the United States, 
nor from compelling the king to disavow the formal 
protest, which the Marquis de Casa Irujo had sub- 
mitted against the sale of the province, as made by 



139 



France without authority, seeing the delaration 
mentioned. 

This and other absurdities, of which 1 shall 
make no merit, such as that of our government hav- 
ing subscribed to the treaties of Paris and Vienna, 
without having required that Louisiana should be 
restored to us, since the province of Etruria, for 
which we had ceded it to France, had been taken 
from us, are sufficient to show to every sensible man, 
that the treaty intended to be concluded with the 
United States, besides being extremely complicat- 
ed and difficult, was absolutely necessary to prevent 
a rupture with the United States, which, it was to 
be feared, would lead to the loss of the whole, or 
the greater part, of South America. 

This danger then was to be avoided; the fron- 
tiers of New Spain and New Mexico were to be 
defined in a suitable manner, so as to separate the 
Americans as far as possible from these precious 
possessions; the errours of the treaty of 1795, and 
of the Convention of 1802, were as far as possible 
to be corrected, that they might not weigh upon the 
nation in future; and lastly, it was important to free 
the national income from the enormous disburse- 
ments for which it stood committed, and which it 
was, by no means in a situation to be able to satisfy. 

The attempting a work of this importance, at 
the distance I was from the government, might have 
appalled one of greater abilities than mine; and 



140 



therefore my whole endeavour from the first was di- 
rected to persuade the two governments, that it 
Avould be expedient and proper to establish the ne- 
gotiation at Madrid. This proposition not having 
been admitted., I hinted that it would be better to 
appoint a plenipotentiary adjunct with me, as the 
Americans had done in 1805, when they sent Mr. 
Monroe, that he might in conjunc ion with Mr. 
Pinkney, negotiate with Don Pedro Cevallos, mat- 
ters of so much moment; but this was not acceded 
to, his majesty honouring me with the most flattering 
expressions, and with the most ample powers, that 
I might alone, and without consulting any other 
person, negotiate for the settlement of the differ- 
ences, in the best manner that my zeal and love for 
the monarchy should dictate. 

All my hopes, then, upon these two points being 
disappointed, finding myself compelled to struggle 
alone against the American cabinet, the Congress and 
the Senate, and against the opinion of the people, ex- 
asperated at finding that payment for the losses they 
claimed was delayed, 1 thought it of the utmost ne- 
cessity to endeavour to calm this effervescence, 
through the medium of three memoirs, which I pub- 
lished in English, under the signature of Verus, in 
the years 1810, 12, and 17; and I begun my cor- 
respondence with the Secretary of State, by discuss- 
ing slowly, but with solid and convincing reasons, 
the rights of the Spanish monarchy to the lands in 



141 



dispute, thus giving myself time to procure from his 
majesty's government, those instructions which 
were necessary for the clue fulfilment of his desires. 
They were, in fact, successively given to me, by 
Don Jose Pizarro, and the Marquis de Casa Irujo, 
and 1 endeavoured to govern myself by them in 
every thing essential. But carried away by the 
ardent zeal which has always animated me for the 
honour and glory of my country, I solicited and ob- 
tained several advantageous conditions which the 
knowledge of the country aiforded me, and which 
it was not possible for the government to have fore- 
seen, and in fact I signed a definitive treaty of set- 
tlement and limits with the American Secretary of 
State, on the 22d of February, 1819, making choice 
of that day as being the most sacred to the Anglo- 
Americans, on account of its being the birth day of 
the founder of their Kepublick, Washington. 

This treaty, examined and approved by the 
Senate, signed by the President, and exchanged by 
the Secretary of State of that government and my- 
self, I transmitted to Spain by his Majesty's Con- 
sul at Alexandria, Don Joaquim Zamorano, whom 
I despatched for the purpose, in the beginning of 
March last; but, a few days after his departure, it 
was published in all the gazettes of the Union, that 
the agent of the Duke of Alagon had offered for 
sale the lands that his Majesty had granted to the 
Duke, asserting that they were v» orth eight millions 



14J^ 



of dollars J and that they had been sanctioned by 
the date agreed upon in the late treaty. To this 
publication, it was added, by the rivals of the Ame- 
rican Secretary of State and the President, that 
they had suffered themselves to be deceived by the 
cunning and perfidious Spanish Minister, who had 
ceded the Floridas to them after they had lost their 
value, that the iVmerican citizens might be cheated 
out of the satisfaction they expected for their losses, 
from the sale of these lands. It is difficult to paint 
the consternation which these ideas produced in 
that government. The Siguor, the Minister of 
France, was the first who, induced by his desire of 
conciliation, endeavoured to convince me of the ne- 
cessity of removing the idea that I had acted with 
bad faith in this transaction, as was laid to my 
charge, by giving a declaration, which would be 
demanded of me by that Cabinet, in which I should 
set forth, that although the grants to the Duke of 
Alagon, Count of Punonrostro and Senor de Var- 
gas, were anterior to the date that we had fixed in 
the treaty for its confirmation, yet we had always 
understood that they were annulled. 1 replied to 
this Minister, that 1 could not deny that I had be- 
lieved these donations to have been posterior to the 
date fixed upon in the treaty, and that consequent- 
ly they were annulled; but that if they should prove 
to have been anterior, I had no power to invalidate 
them, for that the treaty had received all the legali- 



143 



ty of which it was susceptible as a law of the 
Republick, and that neither of the negotiators 
was now competent to alter it; that with regard to 
the bad faith of which I was suspected^ it w as of 
but little consequence to me, for every sensible man, 
and the government itself, knew that I was incapa- 
ble of prejudicing either of the two nations for the 
sake of protecting private individuals; that the hon- 
our of the king and the nation demanded that I 
should fix that epoch, and no other, for the annihi- 
lation of the grants, and that the treaty would not 
have been signed, if the American government had 
not subscribed to that epoch; and that I was ready 
to make this declaration, but not to invalidate the 
grants, nor alter the treaty we had concluded. 
The declaration w as in fact demanded of me, and 1 
gave it in the terms mentioned, leaving it in the power 
of his majesty to act as he thought proper on that 
point. In giving to his majesty an account of this 
incident, which I regarded as advantageous, I in 
sinuated that if the Americans refused to exchange 
the ratifications of the treaty in the terms in which 
it was conceived, they would be exposed to tlie eyes 
of the world as a people of the worst possible faith, 
and his majesty would be at liberty to violate it 
without any responsibility; and that if, as I believ- 
ed, his majesty had no great inclination to maintain 
the grant of these lands, he might give them up for 
the benefit of the American citizens, by which he 



144 



would acquire an unequalled popularitj, and per- 
haps draw from it some advantageous conditions on 
the subject of the pirates, a point which I had only 
been able to obtain in part; or some promise (though 
that would have been no security,) that they would 
not acknowledge the independence of the ultrama- 
rine revolted provinces, until other nations had 
done so. 

In the month of April last, the Express whom 
I had despatched with the treaty, arrived at Ma- 
drid, and in the August following, before the period 
fixed for the ratification had elapsed, I arrived my- 
self. His Majesty received me with his charac- 
teristick goodness; did me the honour of telling mer 
that he was well satisfied with my services, and 
tliat he had seen with particular approbation, that 
I had done every thing that depended upon me for 
the interests of the Nation. The provisional Mi- 
nister of State, and the rest of the Cabinet, repeat- 
ed to me that 1 had faithfully fulfilled the orders 
that had been transmitted to me, and so far from 
there being any charge against me, all acknowledg- 
ed my zeal, prudence and activity in the negotia- 
tion. The determination, nevertheless, which had 
been some time before formed by the ministry and 
Council of State, to suspend the ratification of the 
treaty, was persevered in: not a single word was 
asked me about it, nor were the motives explained 
to me which had led to this determination, approv- 



145 



ftd as had been all the steps I had taken during 
three years and a half in the ne2;otiation, which had 
already lasted for fifteen years before, and had con- 
sequently been sufficiently discussed and exhaust- 
ed. Under such circumstances, and knowing that 
whatever step I might take to explain this most im- 
portant affair, would be without effect, or that it 
would produce no other than that of conHrming the 
voice of those who had, in their own way, painted 
this treaty to his Majesty as disgraceful, antl that 
I was of an inflexible and obstinate character, and 
above all partial on a subject in wliich I had had 
so large a part, 1 thought it a point of honour to re- 
main passive, until I should be questioned, or un- 
til circumstances should force me to present (as 1 
now do) to my fellow citizens, in their native idiom, 
the true picture of these negotiations, and the do- 
cuments that have been published, translated into 
English, throughout all Europe. I might here 
make a few observations upon this treaty, which;, 
though useless, as being deducible from the docu- 
ments themselves, might ccmtribute to the better in- 
formation of those, particularly, who are not ac- 
quainted with the ground in question, or who are not 
profoundly versed in the interests that divide the two 
nations. But as, to do this, 1 should be under the ne- 
cessity of analizing the treaty in all its parts, which 
before its ratification must be presented, according to 
the constitution of the monarchy happily reestablij?h 
19 



146 



ecl^ to the augiist assembly of the Cortes, for their 
sanction, I have thought it my duty until then, scru- 
pulously to abstain from prejudicing their judgment, 
hoping that every intelligent man will duly appre- 
ciate the motives of delicacy that impel me to this 
conduct. 

An impartial publick v^ ill judge^ whether the 
treaty of the 22d February, 1819, (which is impro- 
perly called a treaty of Cession, as it is in reality 
one of exchange or jiermufation of one small pro- 
vince, for another of double the extent, richer and 
more fertile,) deserves the epithet of disgraceful, 
under which it has been painted to his Majesty^ 
and whetber T bave not in it attended to the honour 
and interest of the nation, somewhat more, in my 
conception, than in the treaties of Paris and Yiennaj 
and that of the slave trade which sbut the door to 
the infant prosperity of our American islands, as 
well as others both anterior and posterior which 
have unfortunately committed the dignity and inte- 
rests of the country. 

i will agree, however, that for greater perspi- 
cuity, I might have extended the 3d article in the 
follo\\ing terms: ^^ In exchange, the United States 
cede to his Majesty the province of Tehas, &c.'' as 
the government wished me to express it; but as I 
had, in the correspondence which is inserted,* for 

* The correspondence alluded to here, is not in the Ap- 
pendix to this volume, a 2d one being in the press atMadrid- 

T. 



147 



three years contended that that province belonged 
to the King, it would have been a contradiction to 
say in the treaty that the United States ceded it to 
his Majesty, the same thing being obtained by the 
terms in which it is expressed, the limits that ad- 
judge it to his Majesty being fixed, and the United 
States expressly renouncing all rights which they 
had or can have to it. This charge, with which 
they have sought to obscure the advantages or dis- 
advantages of the treaty, is a new triumph to the 
nation, which is the only object 1 have always liatl 
in view. 

As the treaty had been executed by me in con» 
formity with the instructions which had been given 
to me by the prime minister of State, and as it 
moreover contained various stipulations of notorious 
advantage to the nation, it was not to be expected, 
that after its conclusion, a discussion would liave 
been entered into to examine whether these instruc- 
tions had been well or ill planned. Don Juan Es- 
teban Lozano de Torres, and the ministers who 
support his opinion, could not be ignorant of these 
facts; but as some pretext was necessary to carry 
on their plans, they pretended that England, dis- 
pleased at the cession of the Floridas, would take 
from us the island of Cuba, if the treaty were rati^ 
fied, and that, upon the whole, it was better to let 
the Americans take them by force than to cede them, 
j^ince by this means the grant of lands to the Duk^ 



148 



of Alagon, worth eight millions of dollars, would 
remain valid. To the first point. I will reply thai 
England advised his Majesty, with tlie greatest 
frankness and sincerity, to cede the Floridas, or to 
make any settlement with the United States which 
he thought expedient, for that his circumstances, 
and those of England herself, who was not able to 
assist us or defend them, imperiously demanded it. 
Could England, after so frank and decisive a de- 
claration, use this pretence to seize the island of 
Cuba? And if she did use it, could she not em- 
ploy it with better excuse to seize it, seeing that 
Spain abandoned her possessions of Florida and 
the Tehas without defending them either by force 
or amicable agreement ? Would she not have a 
more plausible motive for it, in as much as the 
Americans were in a situation to take possession of 
Cuba, to occupy it in anticipation under the pretext 
that it might not fall into their hands ? Who can 
avoid making these retiexions, limited as may be 
his view ? Assuredly no one. England has more 
dignity and honour than these political novices 
would attribute to her, and although I will not de- 
ny that in the convulsions f ^ America they have 
caused us serious evils, we ourselves have perhaps 
provoked them by tlie little conciliatory conduct 
we have used towards her. England has given in- 
contestable proofs of the interest she feels, in the 
well being of Spain, in the powerful assistance she 



14& 



rendered us in our glorious struggle to maintain our 
independence. It cannot be supposed, that if she 
had had an interest in destroying Spain and taking 
possession of her rich ultramarine estates, she 
would have neglected to do it, when there was no- 
thing to prevent lier; but the Nation has another 
more powerful safeguard in the arms of her sons, 
and may whenever she pleases place her posses- 
sions beyond the power of insult from any foreign 
power whatever, that attempts either secretly or 
openly to assail her. Let her adopt the measures 
that a sound policy dictates, and never manifest un- 
founded fears that she may dispel as smoke, by 
her prudence and courage. 

The idea that it would be more advantageous 
to the nation to let the Duke of Alagon keep his 
lands and abandon the Floridas to their fate, than 
it would be to support the dignity of the national 
character, is truly new. Besides, instead of these 
lands of the Duke of Alagon being worth 8 millions 
of dollars, it is doubtful whether they are worth at the 
present day three or four hundred thousand. The 
laws that protect the property of the individoal in 
the United States, would not protect the Spaniard 
more than the American, and there can be no doubt 
it would have been preferable to sell them for the 
benefit of the treasury and to pay the claims of Ame- 
rican citizens with their produce, than to keep them 
for the Duke of Alagon: and at all events the mo- 



150 



narchy would have remained under obligation to 
pay about 400 millions of reals for injuries claimed, 
and for which there were no funds. 

I have thus concluded ray observations: I trust, 
an enli2;htened publick will overlook the repetitions 
and faults of style to be found in them, for the hurry 
in which they were written with a view to their be- 
ing ready at the meeting of the Cortes, and my ap- 
proaching departure on the embassy to Naples 
which his majesty was pleased to confer on me, 
scarcely allowed me time to read them. My prin- 
cipal object has been to lay before the nation the 
authentick documents of every thing that occurred 
in this negotiation, and to give them an idea of the 
resources, population, and strength of the Repub- 
lick of the United States of America, of the charac- 
ter of the inhabitants, and the brilliant situation in 
which they stard; that they might, with this knowl- 
edge before them, adopt towards them such a sys- 
tem of good understanding as the similarity of their 
sentiments might suggest. As to myself, honoured 
by his majesty, and satisfied at having discharged 
my duty, I have nothing to wish for, but that my 
labours may be of some use to the heroick nation 
that gave me being, and among whose children it is 
my glory to count myself. 



APPENDIX. 



PRELIMINARY and Secret Treaty between the French Republick and his C. ]M. tlie 
King of Spain, relating to the aggrandizement of H, R. H. the Infant Duke of Parma 
in Italj-, and to the recession of Louisiana. 

His Catholick Majesty having always manifested the most anxious desire 
to procure for hisR. H. the Duke of Parma an aggrandizement, which might 
place him on a footing corresponding with his dignity; and the Fiench Re- 
publick having long since given to H.C. M. the King of Spain to understand the 
desire which they felt to recover possession of the colony of Louisiana; both 
governments having interchanged their views upon these two subjects of com- 
mon interest, and circumstances permitting them to enter into engagements 
in this particular, vt'hicli as far as it depends on them, may assure reciprocal 
'satisfaction, have authorized for this purpose, that is to say: the French Re- 
public, the citizen Alexander Berdiier, general in chief; and hisC. M. don 
Mariano Luis de Urquijo, Chevalier of tlie Order of Charles III, and of St. 
John of Jerusalem, Counsellor of State, his Envoy Extraordinary and Pleni- 
potentiary nea'^ the Batavian Republick, and his provisional first Secretaiy of 
State; who, after having exchanged their powers, have agreed, saving the ra- 
tification, upon the following articles: 

ARTICLE I. 

The French Republick engages to procure for H. R. H. the Infftnt Duke 
«f Parma an augmentation of territoiy which shall raise the population of his 
estates to one million of inhabitants with t!>e title of King, and all the rights 
annexed to the royal dignity; and to this effect the French Republick engages 
to obtain the consent of U. M. the Emperor and King, and of the otlier states 
interested, so that H. R. H. the Infant Duke of Parma may without opposition 
enter into possession of tlie said territories, at the time of the confirmation of 
peace between the French Republick and his Imperial Mojesty. 
ARTICLE II. 

The augmentation to he given to H R. H. the Duke of Parma may con- 
sist of Tuscany, in case the present negotiations of tlie French government, 
with H. I. Majesty shall permit them to dispose of that country, or of the three 
Roman ecclesiastical provinces, or any other continental provinces of Italy, 
ihat may form a rounded estate. 

ARTICLE III. 

H. C. M. promises and engages on his part to recede to the French Re- 
publick, six months after the full and entire execution of the conditions and sti- 
pulations herein expressed, relative to H B^.- H. tlie Duke of Pai'ma, the co- 
lony or province of Louisiana, tvith the same exthit that it notv has in the 
•lands nf Spain, and had while in the possesswn of France, and svch n.i it 



15^ 



ought to be in conformitij ivith the treaties subsequently concluded between 
Spain and other states. 

ARTICLE IV. 

H, C. M. will give the necessaiy orders for the occupation of Louisiana by 
France, the moment the estates designed for his aggrandizement shall be 
placed in the hands of H. R. H. the Duke of Parma. The French rnay, ac- 
cording to its convenience, defer the taking possession; and when this is to be 
done, the states directly or indirectly interested shall agree upon the ulterior 
conditions Avhich their common interests and that of their inhabitants may 
demand. 

ARTICLB V. 

H. C. M. engages to deliver to the French Republick in the ports of 
Spain in Europe, one month after the execution of the stipulation with re- 
gard to the Duke of Parma, six ships of war in good condition, of seventy four 
guns, armed and equipped, and in a state to receive the French crews and sup- 
plies. 

ARTICLE VI. 
The stipulations of the present treaty having no prejudicial object; but 
on the contrary preserving untouched the rights of every one, it is not to be 
presumed, they can excite the suspicions of any power. But if the contrary 
sJioald happen, and the result of their execution should be that the two states 
are attacked oi* threatened, both powers engage to make a common cause, as 
•well to repel aggression, as also to take those conciliatory measures proper to 
maintain peace with r.ll their neighbours. 

ARTICLE VII. 
The obligations contfiined in the present treaty, in nothing annul those 
which are expressed in the treaty of alliance signed at St. Ildefonso, on the 2d 
Fructidor, year 4, (I8lh of August, 1796;) on the contrary I hey unite with 
new ties the interests of the two powers, and confirm the stipulations of the 
treaty of alliance in all the cases to which they can be applied. 
ARIICLE \TII. 
The ratifications of the present preliminary articles shall be completed 
and exchanged in the period of one month, or sooner if possible, counting from 
the date of the signing of tiie present treaty. 

In iaith of which, we, the undersigned, ministers plenipotentiary of the French 
Republick, and ofH. C. M. by viitue of our rt speciive powers, have signed 
the present prf-liinuHrj ariicles.aa;i have affixrdour seals. 
Done at St. Ildefonso, the 9th V'endinii. ire, 9th year of the French Repubifck, 
(].st October. 1800.; 

(Signed) ALEXANDER BERTHIER, 

(Signed) ^ «|k MARIANO LUIS DE URQUIJO. 



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